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I need to write a research about bullying in Americans schools and how it effects on students you need to use these two articles, use them only to support the ideas of the thesis statement.First step Abstract stand alonesecond step introductionand in the introduction please include the thesis statement and use mine, ( Bullying is a serious problem in schools in America today; it affects students academically, emotionally, and socially.)third step background informationfourth step three bodies paragraphs please match them with the thesis statement conclusionthanks


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Physical and Nonphysical Bullying
Victimization of Academically Oriented
Students: The Role of Gender and
School Type
North Carolina State University
Although there are many factors associated with being the victim of bullying
in school, quantitative studies have not treated academic attitudes, effort, and
achievement (or lack thereof ) as risk factors. This is true despite many ethnographic accounts of good students being stigmatized and directly bullied on account of their status as good students. With that research gap in mind, data from
a nationally representative cohort of US high school sophomores were analyzed
to examine the contexts in which students were bullied because of their academic
orientations. The results show that being a male student with a high GPA and
being a male student who spends more time on homework increase one’s risk
of bullying victimization. Further, in low-income schools, bullying victimization
tends to be physical.
Bullying victimization is typically characterized by situations in which a weaker
individual is repeatedly subjected to harmful actions from a more powerful
individual (Olweus 1993, 2001). Though the de?nition may be straightforward,
this type of victimization occurs in many forms. While physical victimization
involves being pushed, hit, or threatened with physical harm, students can also
be verbally victimized through repeated name-calling or teasing. Another form
of bullying is relational bullying, which consists of repeated behavior aimed at
damaging the victim’s social relationships or reputation (Espelage and Swearer
2003). In other words, relational bullying involves spreading rumors about or
socially isolating a victim.
Electronically published October 5, 2015
American Journal of Education 122 (November 2015)
© 2015 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.
Bullying of Academically Oriented Students
Literature Review
Aside from the differences between the types of bullying, a review of the literature indicates that the act of bullying is related to depression, increased anxiety, and lower self-esteem, just as bullying victimization is ( Jordan and Austin
2012). Victims of bullying are often bullies themselves, repeating the cycle of
those damaging symptoms (Haynie et al. 2001; Ma 2001). Academic consequences of victimization include decreased academic achievement (Arseneault
et al. 2006; Beran et al. 2008; Juvonen 2011; Nakamoto and Schwartz 2010;
Wildhagen 2011), classroom participation (Ladd et al. 2008), attachment to
school (Popp and Peguero 2011; Wei and Williams 2004), and increased
chances of withdrawing from school (Smith et al. 2004). Bullying victims’ behavior in the classroom is more likely to be negatively evaluated by their
teachers ( Juvonen et al. 2011). Finally, victims’ concentration in school can be
hampered by their fear of victimization (Addington and Yablon 2011). Based
on the multitude of consequences, continued scholarly attention to bullying
victimization is warranted.
Scholars of bullying have identi?ed two separate processes that serve as a
rationale for bullying aggressors to target their victims. Faris and Felmlee
(2014), for example, discuss “instrumental targeting” wherein aggressors target their victims with the goal of elevating their own social status within a
social hierarchy at the expense of their victims. That is, the act of bullying
serves as a means to achieve the goal of increasing social status and popularity.
While popular students with high social status tend to be the victims of instrumental targeting, “normative targeting” tends to af?ict students with less
social status within a school social hierarchy (de Bruyn et al. 2010; Faris and
Felmlee 2014; Juvonen et al. 2003). Victimization because of perceived weakness is encompassed by this type of targeting; however, many factors may
identify a student as an appropriate target in the eyes of bullies. More speci?cally, some markers of such weakness or perceived deviance have included
disabilities (Marini et al. 2001), sexual orientation (Birkett et al. 2009; Robinson and Espelage 2011), obesity (Halpern et al. 2005; Janssen et al. 2004), and
racial or ethnic difference (Goldweber et al. 2013; Peguero 2009).
The present examination of bullying victimization suggests that being a male
academically oriented student is another characteristic that bullies identify as
BRETT LEHMAN is a postdoctoral teaching scholar in North Carolina State
University’s Sociology and Anthropology Department. His research focuses on
quantitative measurement of bullying victimization; race, class, and gender inequality in education; and peer in?uences on students’ educational outcomes.
American Journal of Education
appropriate for normative targeting. In-depth observations of middle school
and high school students in the United States and Canada describe labels such
as “nerd” (Brady 2004; Kinney 1993) or “geek” (Milner 2004) as being common ways to refer to unpopular students who deviate from accepted social
norms. Those labels also tend to have an academic connotation. Despite the
ubiquity of those labels in Western contexts, quantitative research has not examined the extent to which students are subjected to bullying in connection with
their academic reputations.1 The next sections in this article will review student
cultures within schools, gender differences in bullying, and student treatment
of academically oriented peers. The review of this literature will suggest several
important questions to be examined in the present study. First, the study will
examine the extent to which male students are bullied in connection with their
academic attitudes, effort, and achievement. Second, the study will examine
the extent to which the speci?c type of bullying that academically oriented
males experience is physical in nature. Third and ?nally, the study will examine
the extent to which the socioeconomic context of students’ schools is related to
male academically oriented students’ physical bullying victimization.
Student Cultures and the Stigmatization of Male Academically Oriented Students
In a study of several US high schools, Coleman (1961) ?rst documented the
pattern that superior male athletes were more likely to garner popularity in
school compared to the highest male academic achievers. Subsequent studies
of student peer groups in various Western contexts focused on students’ attitudes toward academic success and their treatment of academically oriented
students. Their descriptions seem to suggest that those differences in the popularity of male students have been relatively stable over time. For example,
Willis (1977) observed a group of boys known as the “lads” daily in Great
Britain. The group made minimal efforts to complete homework or otherwise
succeed in school; instead, their concerns were making money, sexual encounters, and practical jokes. In addition, because they chose those activities instead of academics, the lads de?ned themselves as more masculine and more
mature than their peers who strove for academic success. The academically
oriented males were a stigmatized group in this context.
In a similar fashion, MacLeod (1995) observed two groups of teenage boys
who had divergent perceptions of the value of education for social and economic mobility in the United States. The “brothers” generally decided to persevere through their schooling in the hopes of achieving a higher status. In
contrast, the “hallway hangers” preferred deviant behavior in the form of com-
Bullying of Academically Oriented Students
mitting crimes, using drugs, and drinking alcohol instead of focusing on their
schooling. The hallway hangers believed that their position near the bottom of
the social hierarchy meant that education would not have an impact on their
future prospects as adults. Members of the group risked being sanctioned if
they privileged academics over deviant behavior. Thus, although no direct bullying was observed, as with the lads in Willis’s (1977) research, it can reasonably
be inferred that the hallway hangers looked down on academically oriented
Another series of observations at multiple schools (Morris 2012) did provide accounts of male students being picked on and stigmatized in connection with their academic achievement. In these cases, the author found that
male students purposefully attempted to avoid achieving excellent grades in
an effort to avoid being picked on. Much of the harassment observed at the
schools took the form of homophobic name-calling. According to many students, any evidence that a male student was engaged in efforts directed at high
academic achievement was evidence of a lack of masculinity. Thus, many male
students aspired to achieve average grades rather than excel in school. The
same pattern of academic avoidance among boys was noticed by Epstein (1998)
in British schools. She made the interpretation that for the students she observed, “The rejection of the perceived ‘feminine’ of academic work is simultaneously a defense against the ‘charge’ of being gay” (1998, 97).
In contrast to curbing one’s academic effort and achievement to maintain
a masculine presentation of self, girls may have an easier time coupling academics with gender expectations. For example, Mickelson (1989) pointed out that
completing homework, obeying teachers’ commands, and getting good grades
conform to obedient behavior that has been typical of Western female gender
expectations. Although this has not been examined in the literature on bullying,
there is some quantitative evidence to support the notion that academics are
compatible with femininity but not masculinity. Findings from a survey of German schools indicated that students in low-SES classrooms tended to associate
academic success with a lack of masculinity. However, no evidence of a link between academic success and a perceived lack of femininity was found (Legewie
and DiPrete 2012). Again, this would suggest that female students (at least in
Germany) were subject to less pressure to avoid academic success to maintain a
gender-appropriate presentation of self.
To summarize the literature on students’ attitudes toward academics and
their treatment of academically oriented peers, one can observe that in various
Western contexts, academically oriented male students have been singled out
because that academic focus has been interpreted by their peers to be too
feminine (Epstein 1998; Morris 2012; Willis 1977). On the other hand, there is
evidence to suggest that academics conform to normative expectations for
femininity (Legewie and DiPrete 2012; Mickelson 1989). The previous studies
American Journal of Education
on student cultures, masculinity, and academics come from local case studies;
they cannot speak to the extent to which the stigmatization or bullying of male
students based on their academic orientations is a widespread phenomenon.
The current study addresses that gap in the literature by examining nationally
representative data. The next section reviews extant research on gender and
bullying victimization to further re?ne the question of the extent to which male
students may be bullied in connection with their academic attitudes, effort,
and achievement.
Gender and Physical Bullying Victimization
Many forms of bullying are used to target students judged to be abnormal, but
scholars had assumed that boys were more likely to be involved in physical
bullying, whereas girls were only involved in relational bullying. Espelage and
Swearer (2003) pointed out that many studies on physical aggression did not
include girls in their samples, thus suggesting a potential bias in the assumption of gender differences in aggression. Seeking to address that shortcoming,
a meta-analysis of studies that did include both girls and boys indicated that
male students are nonetheless more likely to engage in and be victims of physical aggression (Card et al. 2008), which is consistent with previous reviews of
similar topics (Archer 2004; Hyde 1984; Maccoby and Jacklin 1974). The most
recent student victimization data collected in the United States in the 2012
“Indicators of School Crime and Safety” report also notes the same increased
incidence of male physical victimization (Robers et al. 2013). On the other
hand, there is little gender difference in relational aggression, according to the
most recently published meta-analysis (Card et al. 2008). In other words, boys
also have been found to damage their peers’ social relationships or to spread
rumors about their peers in the pursuit of social status.
If there is evidence that academic attitudes, effort, or achievement predict
increased chances of bullying victimization for male students, the next question
to ask is what type of bullying has been taking place. Although male students
are involved in many types of bullying (Espelage and Swearer 2003; Swearer
2008), according to the previous meta-analyses, the most common type seems
to be physical bullying (Card et al. 2008; Robers et al. 2013). Returning to the
previous section, observations of students suggested that academically oriented
male students were singled out because they violated normative standards of
masculinity (Epstein 1998; Morris 2012; Willis 1977). In other words, bullying male academically oriented students for perceived unmasculine behavior
may be another example of normative targeting (de Bruyn et al. 2010; Faris
and Felmlee 2014; Juvonen et al. 2003). Thus, it may also be reasonable to
expect that physical bullying would be the most likely type of sanction; using
Bullying of Academically Oriented Students
physical force would be a traditionally masculine response against a victim perceived to be weak and unmasculine.
The prevalence of physical bullying directed at academically oriented male
students has not been examined to date and thus represents another contribution this study makes to bullying-victimization research. Like the notion that
academics may be incompatible with masculinity, the ?nal consideration, which
further re?nes the current study, originates from in-depth observations of school
ethnographers. The next section reviews how Willis (1977), MacLeod (1995),
Morris (2012), and others focused heavily on the socioeconomic conditions surrounding the students they observed. They suggest that the socioeconomic context of a school plays a signi?cant role in shaping students’ views of academics
and academically oriented peers.
Socioeconomic Context and the Resentment of Academics
The aforementioned case studies focused on working-class and economically
disadvantaged students. In general, the ethnographers argued that students’
lower social class position made them less likely to view education as a path to
social mobility (MacLeod 1995; Morris 2012; Willis 1977). Compared to urban contexts, male students in a low-SES rural school also regularly aspired to
careers involving physical labor instead of intellectually focused middle-class
labor (Morris 2012). Reviewing additional school ethnographies helps to clarify why low educational expectations may be related to academically oriented
students’ risk of bullying victimization.
For example, ethnographers have also focused on racial differences in academic attitudes and the treatment of academically oriented minority students. Fordham and Ogbu (1986) found that African American students who
pursued academic achievement despite racial discrimination and limited job
ceilings were stigmatized as “acting white.” Those observations took place in
urban, racially segregated contexts where educational expectations were typically low and where high expectations were deemed abnormal. However,
similar resentment of academics has been found in low-SES schools of varying racial composition. For example, Tyson et al. (2005) did not ?nd that
the stigma of acting white was present, but they did observe that a general,
nonracialized opposition to school existed within lower-income schools. The
authors described “a pattern of deep-seated animosity between higher- and
lower-achieving students” (Tyson et al. 2005, 596) that was rooted in students’
awareness of socioeconomic inequality. Although bullying was not the focus of
the study, the authors noted that low-achieving students who felt overshadowed
by their high-achieving peers retaliated by picking on the high achievers.
American Journal of Education
These studies point to the possibility that socioeconomic status is a relevant mediator of the extent to which academically oriented male students
may be bullied because of their academic reputations. That inference is the
?nal question examined in this study. To summarize the argument, academically oriented students in low-income schools were perceived as arrogant and
as intending to upstage other students (Morris 2012; Tyson et al. 2005). If such
behavior is deemed to be abnormal, it could be met with social sanctions including bullying. However, students in school settings where the bene?ts of
academic success are more attainable may be less likely to harbor resentful
feelings. Those settings may be less likely to produce bullying targeted at academically oriented students. Finally, there is evidence to expect that norms of
traditional masculinity and their incongruence with academics may be more
prevalent within working-class contexts (Legewie and DiPrete 2012; Morris
2012; Willis 1977). All of these considerations point to the possibility that male
academically oriented students may be more at risk in socioeconomically disadvantaged schools.
Other Mediators of the Risk of Bullying Victimization
The present study did not assume that all academically oriented male students
are automatically bullied. The literature also indicates that certain characteristics shield students from being bullied even if academic success is part of their
reputation. For example, among male students especially, varsity athletic success has been a consistent predictor of popularity (Coleman 1961; Kinney 1993;
Milner 2004) and a symbol of masculinity (Adler et al. 1992). Fordham and
Ogbu (1986) and Morris (2012) both noted in their qualitative observations
that athletic achievement was one way attention could be diverted from one’s
academic achievements. Thus, the acclaim of being an athlete may trump the
reputation of being a good student.
Research on strati?cation and education points to the possibility that within
schools, the highest achievers can be segregated from less academically oriented students. This takes place through the process of tracking, where students
are organized into different classrooms based on their perceived academic
ability (Hallinan 1988). The fewer classes potential bullies and victims share,
the fewer interactions they will have. Thus, the chances of students being bullied on account of their academic reputations could be reduced as a result of
tracking. One can also consider that students purposefully choose their friends.
Sometimes they do so to develop an academically supportive friendship group
(Horvat and Lewis 2003). In a college-prep track, students may have more opportunities to build such a friendship group. The group would then serve as a
potential shield from bullying victimization.
Bullying of Academically Oriented Students
This study sought to examine the questions suggested by previous research.
The ?rst hypothesis relates to the potential that male students may be bullied
in connection with their academic attitudes, effort, and achievement.
Hypothesis 1: Male students who agree with the importance of academic achievement, who expend high effort …
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