Colonial Latin American History, Answer 4 questions, pdf is included.

Just follow the directions I need all 4 bullet points done. . For the first article choose one question. I have uploaded the pdf for the article too. For number 2 choose only 2 questions and answer them. For number 3 and 4 just answer them. There is a pdf for number 1, 2 and 3. Please follow the format.Please complete the following exercises and answer the questions. You must use your articles to answer these questions. Make sure to indicate in your answers if you are using evidence from the article.1. DIAMOND ARTICLECHOOSE 1 from the following questions and answer to the best of your ability.Write a letter home explaining what happened in Cajamarca.How was Pizarro’s technique and reception different from Cortez?2. NEXT, TOWNSEND ARTICLE:CHOOSE 2 from the following questions and answer to the best of your ability.Find 5 sources that Townsend uses as evidence. Make a list of these sources. After each source write 1-2 sentences as to why these sources are important to her argument.According to Townsend—how did the indigenous see Cortez? You must proved 3 examples.Do you think that Townsend sees Montezuma as a responsible or irresponsible leader?Defend your opinion with 3 examples.3. THEN, Explain Don Carlos’ crime from the perspective of:The First GenerationHis own generationThe Third GenerationEach one needs a paragraph with two quotes proving your position.Also,4. Compare and contrast the different styles of colonization by the Spanish and Portuguese. It should deal with methods, treatment of the indigenous, relationship to the king, land ownership and economics.
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Collision at Cajamarca
I H E B I G G E S T P O P U L AT I O N S H I F T O F M O D E R N T I M E S H A S
X been the colonization of the New World by Europeans, and the
resulting conquest, numerical reduction, or complete disappearance of
most groups of Native Americans (American Indians). As I explained in
Chapter 1, the New World was initially colonized around or before 11,000
B.C. by way of Alaska, the Bering Strait, and Siberia. Complex agricultural
societies gradually arose in the Americas far to the south of that entry
route, developing in complete isolation from the emerging complex socie
ties of the Old World. After that initial colonization from Asia, the sole
well-attested further contacts between the New World and Asia involved
only hunter-gatherers living on opposite sides of the Bering Strait, plus an
inferred transpacific voyage that introduced the sweet potato from South
America to Polynesia.
As for contacts of New World peoples with Europe, the sole early ones
involved the Norse who occupied Greenland in very small numbers
between a.d. 986 and about 1500. But those Norse visits had no discern
ible impact on Native American societies. Instead, for practical purposes
the collision of advanced Old World and New World societies began
abruptly in a.d. 1492, with Christopher Columbus’s “discovery” of Carib
bean islands densely populated by Native Americans.
The most dramatic moment in subsequent European-Native American
The 1539 Inquisition and Trial of Don Carlos
of Texcoco in Early Mexico
Patricia Lopes Don
The inquisition, trial, and burning of the indigenous leader Don Carlos
Ometochtli Chichimecateuctli of Texcoco is a well-known event of early
sixteenth-century Mexican history, referenced dozens of times in Latin American historiography. Nevertheless, the last historian to write an explanation of
the events that led to Don Carlos’s death was Richard Greenleaf in his 1962
publication Zumárraga and the Mexican Inquisition, 1536 – 1543.1 The Don Car1. Richard Greenleaf, Zumárraga and the Mexican Inquisition, 1536 – 1543 (Washington,
DC: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1962). I have counted 43 sources that cite
Greenleaf’s two chapters on the indigenous trials of Zumárraga’s Inquisition. To name
a few: J. Jorge Klor de Alva, “Colonizing Souls: The Failure of the Indian Inquisition
and the Rise of Penitential Discipline,” 3 – 22, and Roberto Moreno de los Arcos, “New
Spain’s Inquisition for Indians from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Century,” in Cultural
Encounters: The Impact of the Inquisition in Spain and The New World, ed. Mary Elizabeth
Perry and Anne J. Cruz (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1991), 23 – 36; J. Jorge Klor
de Alva, “Martín Ocelotl: Clandestine Cult Leader,” in Struggle and Survival in Colonial
America, ed. David G. Sweet and Gary B. Nash (Berkeley: Univ. of California, 1981),
128 – 41; Louise M. Burkhart, The Slippery Earth: Nahua-Christian Moral Dialogue in
Sixteenth-Century Mexico (Tucson: Univ. of Arizona Press, 1989); Fernando Cervantes, The
Devil in the New World: The Impact of Diabolism in New Spain (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press,
1994); Jacques LaFaye, Quetzalcóatl and Guadalupe: The Formation of National Consciousness,
1531 – 1813, trans. Benjamin Keen, foreword by Octavio Paz (Chicago, London: Univ. of
Chicago Press, 1974); Serge Gruzinski, “Andrés Mixcóatl — 1537,” in Man-Gods in the
Mexican Highlands: Indian Power and Colonial Society, 1520 – 1800 (Stanford, CA: Stanford
Univ. Press, 1989), 31 – 62. The first notice of the trial in the historical literature was Juan
Suárez de Peralta, Noticias históricas de la Nueva España (Madrid: Imp. de M. G. Hernández,
1878), 275 – 80. The most extensive study of the Mexican Inquisition is Solange Alberro,
Inquisición y sociedad en México, 1571 – 1700 (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica,
1988). Two other studies have touched upon aspects of the Episcopal Inquisition of
Zumárraga: Bernard Grunberg, L’inquisition apostolique au Mexique: Histoire d’une institution
et de son impact dans une société coloniale, 1521 – 1571 (Paris: Editions L’Harmattan, 1998);
and Jorge E. Traslosheros, Iglesia, justicia, y sociedad en la Nueva España: La audiencia del
arzobispado de Mexico, 1528 – 1668 (Mexico City: Editorial Porrúa, 2004).
Hispanic American Historical Review 88:4
doi 10.1215/00182168-2008-001
Copyright 2008 by Duke University Press
574
HAHR / November / Lopes Don
los case was the climax of a series of 16 inquisitional trials conducted by the
first bishop of Mexico, Juan de Zumárraga, involving 24 indigenous men and 3
women, most of whom were leaders in their respective communities. Don Carlos was the son and grandson of legendary pre-Hispanic leaders of Texcoco, a
major colonial city and one of the three partners in the preconquest Aztec Alliance. Though he was also accused of bigamy and idolatry, Don Carlos received
his death sentence for the crime of heretical dogmatism and was the only indigenous leader to pay with his life at the stake in Zumárraga’s Inquisition.
Since Greenleaf’s interpretation of the Don Carlos story, historians have
opened up the field of the ethnohistory of the indigenous peoples of the Americas with a wealth of new interpretative strategies, a new body of research in
native documents, and a full range of explanations about the agency of indigenous people in the colonial period.2 Therefore, the questions that I raise in this
narrative are a little different than Greenleaf’s were 40 years ago. My predecessor was interested in demonstrating that Don Carlos was guilty of the heretical
dogmatism of which he was accused. I disagree with his evaluation and deal
with that question near the end of this essay. However, I am less concerned with
questions of Spanish intentions, which resulted in the guilty verdict in Don
Carlos’s trial, than I am with questions of indigenous agency. First, what precisely motivated Don Carlos to take actions that led to the accusations against
him, and how were they related to his role as leader of Texcoco? Second, what
were the patterns of actions of others in the indigenous community leading
up to and during the initial inquisitorial phase of his case? Finally, how was
the agency of Don Carlos and others constructed in the early colonial period
as Franciscan missionary goals, backed up with Spanish power, forced various
indigenous leaders to make decisions?
In this paper, I return to the Don Carlos case with a closer reading of
the trial transcript, using microhistorical methodology to explore the agency
of Don Carlos and other indigenous leaders in his trial. While microhistory,
the construction of the personal narratives of obscure historical actors out of
mostly legal or religious documentation, is a fairly common method of analysis
in European Inquisition history, it has more often found its way into Mexican
2. A few very good articles have summarized the literature on indigenous history in
the last 30 years: Eric Van Young, “The New Cultural History Comes to Old Mexico,”
The Hispanic American Historical Review 79, no. 2 (May 1999): 211 – 47; Susan Kellogg,
“Encountering People, Creating Texts: Cultural Studies in the Encounter and Beyond”
[book review], Latin American Research Review 38, no. 3 (October 2003): 261 – 74; Matthew
Restall, “A History of the New Philology and the New Philology in History,” Latin
American Research Review 38, no. 1 (February 2003): 113 – 34.
The 1539 Inquisition and Trial of Don Carlos of Texcoco
575
studies by the route of gender histories.3 Fortunately, at 70 pages, Don Carlos’s trial transcript provides enough information, along with other sources, to
complete a microhistorical treatment.4 The main source for this story, the trial
transcript, was made available nearly a century ago when the Mexican government arranged for its national archives to transcribe and publish this and other
Inquisition transcripts to celebrate the one hundredth anniversary of Mexican
independence from Spain.5 Two fairly recently investigated colonial sources,
pertaining directly to the case and written very contemporaneously to the event,
corroborate facts in the Inquisition transcript: Susan Schroeder and Arthur J. O.
Anderson have brought out a new edition of the Codex Chimalpahin, which contains new information from Don Carlos’s family members dealing directly with
questions of how and when he came to power. Howard Cline studied the second
source, the Oztoticpac Map, between 1966 and 1972; it contains detailed evidence
of the line of succession of Texcocan colonial leaders.6 In fact, because of the
3. Mary E. Giles, ed., Women in the Inquisition: Spain and the New World (Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1999); Nora E. Jaffary, False Mystics: Deviant Orthodoxy in
Colonial Mexico (Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 2004).
4. Edward Muir, “Introduction: Observing Trifles,” in Microhistory and the Lost Peoples
of Europe, ed. Edward Muir and Guido Ruggiero, trans. Eren Branch (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins Univ. Press, 1991), ix, xiv; see also Carlo Ginzberg, The Cheese and the Worms:
The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller, trans. John and Anne Tedeschi (Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1991).
5. Proceso inquisitorial del cacique de Tetzcoco, Publicaciones de la Comisión
Reorganizadora del Archivo General y Público de la Nación, vol. 1 (Mexico City: Eusebio
Gómez de la Puente, 1910); Procesos de indíos idólatras y hechiceros, Publicaciones del Archivo
General de la Nación, vol. 3 (Mexico City: Guerrero, 1912).
6. Arthur J. O. Anderson and Susan Schroeder, Codex Chimalpahin: Society and Politics
in Mexico, Tenochtitlán, Tlatelolco, Texcoco, Culhuacan, and other Nahua Altepetl in Central
America, 2 vols. (Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1997). This is the codex in the
Cambridge Library, which was located in 1983 and has been translated from the Nahuatl.
In addition to Chimalpahin, however, the Cambridge volumes contained two previously
unpublished and incomplete accounts that Schroeder has translated and included in the
second volume of her publication. One is a fragment account by several of Don Carlos’s
brothers, “Unsigned Nahuatl Materials,” explaining the problems of the Texcocan
succession in the colonial period. The second is a letter of complaint, “Letter of Juan de San
Antonio,” from one of the royal grandsons, who may very well have been in contention for
the throne in 1539. In 1966 Howard Cline completed a detailed analysis of the Oztoticpac
Map, located in the Library of Congress in Washington, DC, in the mid-1960s. “The
Oztoticpac Lands Map of Texcoco, 1540,” Quarterly Journal of the Library of Congress 23
(1966): 76 – 116. He followed with an update of his research, “The Oztoticpac Lands Map of
Texcoco, 1540,” in A La Carte: Selected Papers on Maps and Atlases, comp. Walter W. Ristow
(Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1972), 5 – 33.
576
HAHR / November / Lopes Don
trial and these sources, Don Carlos is among the better-known members of the
native elite of the 1530s.
The single case I examine here responds to a broader question about the
patterns of early native colonial leadership. How did indigenous leaders and
communities shape their conduct to better fit the coercive frame in which they
were compelled to live, without necessarily internalizing European values? To
address this question, I investigate the process of the indigenous leaders’ decision making — as much the protagonist of this story as Don Carlos — and this
allows me, as William Taylor says, to reach “beyond the idea of freestanding,
autonomous subjects in colonial histories to how and why they acted as colonial
subjects.”7 The goal is to reconstruct the individual stories in Don Carlos’s trial
in order to understand the various ways that indigenous leaders learned how to
become colonial subjects on their own terms.
The Inheritance: “He always tried to take the señoridad by force”
Don Carlos’s formal denial of all the charges against him was contained in a
document his attorney presented to the court in the month of August, 30 days
after he had been interrogated and Zumárraga had completed the actual inquisition or inquiry. The denials contained in the document included one particularly interesting assertion that opens up the whole question of who Don Carlos
was and how he became vulnerable to charges of heresy. Don Carlos protested
that he had been accused “because he is the señor [leader] of the village, which he
is legitimately and by the wish of his brother, and he had to punish people and
they accused him for this reason.”8 Elsewhere in the transcript, Don Carlos’s
half-sister María seemed to corroborate his claim when she angrily testified that
their deceased brother and former leader, Don Pedro, had to “manage things
for Don Carlos a lot because he wanted him as leader after his days.” Don Carlos, she said, “had always tried to take the señoridad by force and be señor of
Texcoco.”9
These separate statements reveal two things about the situation in Texcoco
at the time of Don Carlos’s arrest. First, there was considerable animosity in Tex7. William B. Taylor, “Two Shrines of the Cristo Renovado: Religion and Peasant
Politics in Late Colonial Mexico,” American Historical Review 110, no. 4 (October 2005): 973
(emphasis in original). In a discussion on pages 969 – 74, which was most helpful in shaping
my own thinking about the uses of microhistory in indigenous history, Professor Taylor
alludes to questions of locating the general in a specific subaltern case.
8. Proceso inquisitorial del cacique de Tetzcoco, 67.
9. Ibid., 32.
The 1539 Inquisition and Trial of Don Carlos of Texcoco
577
coco toward Don Carlos and a good deal of anxiety about the legitimacy of his
rule. Second, Don Carlos did not know after the official inquiry (and may have
even gone to the stake four months later without knowing) who his real accusers
were and how precisely he came to be charged with heretical dogmatism. Obviously, he thought Texcocans had betrayed him, but we know very certainly from
the trial transcript that his accusers came from Chiconautla, a village some ten
kilometers from Texcoco. Inquisition testimony, however, was taken secretly,
and the accused was never presented with the evidence or his accusers. Zumárraga had been careful in his questioning of Don Carlos not to reveal the identity
of Don Carlos’s actual accuser — an indigenous Christian neophyte from Chiconautla named Francisco. The real questions here are why Don Carlos and others
in Texcoco perceived that he lacked legitimacy, and how these perceptions were
related to the accusations against Don Carlos, which were made in Chiconautla.
Actually, there was little evidence of a native conspiracy. The problems with
Don Carlos’s inheritance did not lead directly to his denunciation, though the
climate of dispute and the air of illegitimacy that attended his pending succession seemed to affect Don Carlos personally, and this led indirectly, I will argue,
to his denunciation. The disputes over his succession, however, did not begin in
1539. Disputed succession in Texcoco preceded the conquest, became exaggerated in the difficult colonial period, and built toward the events of Don Carlos’s
ascension to the throne of Texcoco in 1539.
Texcoco was the most powerful city-state of the Acolhua tribal group that
settled in the Valley of Mexico on the east side of Lake Texcoco in the thirteenth century. In 1427, the leader of the Texcocans, Nezahualcoyotl, formed
the Aztec Alliance with the Mexica of Tenochtitlán, the city-state founded on
an island in the middle of the Valley of Mexico lake system, and the Tepaneca,
whose main city was Tlacopán, to the northwest. The succession pattern of most
valley monarchies employed modified forms of brother inheritance.10 The new
alliance, however, complicated leadership and the rules of succession. All three
monarchs of the alliance had numerous wives and concubines, but they also
sorted marriages by the principle of hypogamy; the wife’s status determined the
status of the progeny and politically tied the elite families of the valley together
in a complex hierarchical network.11 In the new alliance environment, the chil10. Susan D. Gillespie, The Aztec Kings: The Construction of Rulership in Mexica History
(Tucson: Univ. of Arizona Press, 1989), 13 – 19; Jerome A. Offner, Law and Politics in Aztec
Texcoco (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1983), 207.
11. Pedro Carrasco explains the marriage principles as they worked in Texcoco to tie
the leader to Mexico and to the dependent city-states of the Acolhua. Carrasco, “Royal
578
HAHR / November / Lopes Don
dren of high-status marriages, especially with the Mexica, seemed to have the
advantage over the king’s brothers in succession. Consequently, Nezahualcoyotl,
himself the son of a Mexica marriage alliance, named as his heir his young son
Nezahualpilli, also the son of a Mexica princess. There were some objections,
but father-to-son inheritance in Texcoco survived and continued.12
Nezahualpilli ruled from 1471 to 1515. Historians have suggested that,
throughout his reign, the Aztec Alliance was drifting steadily toward complete
Mexica dominance. In the sixteenth century, Motecuhzoma II, the Mexica king,
increasingly ignored treaties with Texcoco, kept a good number of Nezahualpilli’s sons under his control in his palace in Tenochtitlán, and even suggested
that the Aztec Alliance was over.13 In his last years, Nezahualpilli retreated from
public life and declined to proclaim a successor from among his 40 surviving
sons.14 Upon his death in 1515, however, two groups of sons had the upper hand
under the father-to-son inheritance of the alliance. They were the sons of sisters
of Motecuhzoma II; an unnamed wife had borne Cacama, while another Mexica
princess, Tenancaxhautzin, had a multitude of children, including 11 sons.15 All
were potential legitimate heirs, but Nezahualpilli made no choice.
Exercising Mexica dominance, Motecuhzoma II unilaterally chose his
favorite nephew Cacama as the new king. Several of Cacama’s half-brothers of
the Mexica line immediately accepted the decision. One of the middle brothers, Ixtlilxochitl, however, refused, and between 1515 and the eve of the Spanish conquest in 1519 he took most of the northern tributary lands of Texcoco
away from Cacama. Eventually, Cacama negotiated a truce with the rebellious
Ixtlilxochitl, which allowed Cacama to remain the official king and live in
Tenochtitlán, while Ixtlilxochitl ruled the northern tributary lands he already
held. Cacama’s loyal half-brother Cohuanacoch was appointed governor of the
southern territories and governed them on the new king’s behalf.16
Marriages in Ancient Mexico,” in Explorations in Ethnohistory: Indians of Central Mexico in
the Sixteenth Century, ed. H. R. Harvey and Hanns J. Prem (Albuquerque: Univ. of New
Mexico Press, 1984), 47.
12. Frances Gillmor, The King Danced in the Marketplace (Tucson: Univ. of
Arizona Press, 1964), 3. Nezahualcoyotl’s mother was Matlalcihuatzin, the daughter of
Huitzilihuitzin of Mexico. On the innovations of Nezahualcoyotl, see Carrasco, “Royal
Marriages in Ancient Mexico,” 47 – 55; Offner, Law and Politics in Aztec Texcoco, 231 – 32.
13. Offner, Law and Politics in Aztec Texcoco, 238.
14. Anderson and Schroeder, Codex Chimalpahin, 2:237 – 38.
15. Ibid., 2:120 – 21, 221; Offner, Law and Politics in Aztec Texcoco, 238 – 39.
16. Offner, Law and Politics in Aztec Texcoco, 94; Charles Gibson, Aztecs under Spanish
Rule: A History of the Indians of the Valley of Mexico, 1519 – 1810 (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ.
Press, 1964), 18.
Xoxul
Don Lorenzo de Luna (governor of Texcoco …
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