Discussion- Screening and Assessment

should be no less than 350 words in length and should address both sections A and B. Your primary post must be specific, concise, and substantive.Outline how the historical foundations of assessment have shaped the current state of assessment and screening. In your response, describe at least two historical phases. Be sure to include specifics related to the development of current issues within the field of assessment (intellectual, cognitive, clinical, bias, etc.).Why are ethical guidelines necessary within the field of assessment? Include reference to at least three specific ethical expectations in your response.Reading Chapter: “A Century of Psychological Testing: Origins, Problems, and Progress” Source: Exploring applied psychology: Origins and critical analyses. Fagan, Thomas K. (Ed.); VandenBos, Gary R. (Ed.); pp. 9-36. Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 1993. 193 pp.Chapter: “Ethics in Psychological Assessment” Source: Essential ethics for psychologists: A primer for understanding and mastering core issues. Nagy, Thomas F.; pp. 171-183. Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2011. x, 252 pp.171-183Source: “APA Code of Ethics – Principles A-E” (2012) The American Psychological Association. Retrieved from http://www.apa.org/ethics/code/index.aspx

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Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
Exploring Applied Psychology: Origins and Critical Analyses, edited by T. K.
Fagan and G. R. VandenBos
Copyright © 1993 American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
nne Anastasi, Professor hmentus of Psychology ai Fordham University, was born December 19, 1908. m New York City
She attended Barnard College, receiving an AB in 1928. Two years
later, after completing doctoral studies, she was granted a Phi) by Columbia University. In October 1967. she received an honorary Lift!)
degree from the University of Windsor (Canada). In June 1971, she received honorary degrees from Villanova (PaedD) and Cedar Crest College (ScD) A second ScD was awarded by Fordham University ( 1979).
and a third by LaSaJJe College {1979) In 1977. she was the recipient of
the annual Educational Testing Service Award for Distinguished Service
to Measurement; in 1981. she received the Distinguished Scientific Award
for the Applications of Psychology from the American Psychological
Association {APA); in 1983, the American Educational Research Association Award for Distinguished Contributions to Research in Education;
and in 1984. the E. L. Thorndike Medal for Distinguished Psychological
Contributions to Education from the APA Division of Educational Psychology. The American Psychological Foundation Gold Medal was
awarded in 1984. In 1987, she received the National Medal of Science
from the president of the United States.
Anastasi taught at Barnard from 1929 to 1939. then was appointed
assistant professor and chairman of the department of psychology at
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
Queens College (CUNY). In 1947, she joined the faculty of Fordham
University, where she was designated full professor of psychology in
1951. She served as chairman of the psychology department from 1968
to 1974. In 1979, she was designated Professor Emeritus.
Anastasi lectured at the University of Wisconsin during the 1951
summer session and at the University of Minnesota in 1958; she served
as research consultant for the College Entrance Examination Board (CEEB)
from 1954 to 1956. She has at various times served as a research consultant for such organizations as the VS. Office of Education, Office of
Economic Opportunity, VS. Air Force, several state civil service commissions, American College Testing Service, and NYC Board of Education. In the summer of 1968, she served as a consultant for the Ford
Foundation in Brazil.
Anastasi was president of the Eastern Psychological Association
from 1946 to 1947, president of the Division of General Psychology of
the APA from 1956 to 1957, president of the Division of Evaluation and
Measurement from 1965 to 1966, recording secretary of the APA from
1952 to 1955, and a member of its board of directors from 1956 to 1959
and from 1968 to 1970. In 1970, she became president-elect of the APA
and succeeded as president in 1971. She is also a member of Phi Beta
Kappa, Sigma XI, the Psychonomic Society, and the American Psychological Society.
Anastasi served as a trustee of the American Psychological Foundation and was its president from 1965 to 1967. From 1973 to 1990 she
was a trustee of HumRRO. She has served as chairman of the Research
and Development Committee of the CEEB and as a member of the Advisory Committee on Science Education of the National Science Foundation. From 1977 to 1979, she served as a member of the Congressional
Panel for the Review of the Regional Laboratories and Research and
Development Centers supported by the National Institute of Education.
From 1977 to 1980, she was a member of the newly constituted College
Board Committee on the Scholastic Aptitude Test.
Her major publications include Differential Psychology (1937,1949,
1958) and Psychological Testing (1954, 1961, 1968, 1976, 1982, 1988),
both published by Macmillan; and Fields of Applied Psychology (1964,
1979), published by McGraw-Hill. In addition, she edited three other
books: Individual Differences (Wiley, 1965), Testing Problems in Perspective (American Council on Education, 1966), and Contributions to
Differential Psychology (Praeger, 1982). She is coauthor of other books
and has published more than 200 articles and monographs on research.
Anastasi is listed in Who’s Who in America, Who’s Who in Frontier
Science and Technology, Who’s Who in American Women, The World
Who’s Who ofAuthors, and American Men and Women ofScience, among
other directories. She is married to a psychologist, John Porter Foley,
Jr.; they occupy a renovated brownstone in midtown Manhattan.
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
basic question I am addressing in this chapter is, How can we
the understanding and use of psychological tests? In an
to answer this question, 1 look first at the historical origins of
testing, the social context and theoretical climate within which modern
testing developed. 1 next consider the chief sources of test misuse today
and what is being done to prevent such misuse. I then turn to major
current developments in both testing technology and relevant behavioral science that the test user should know about. I give special attention
to those developments that are gaining momentum and are hence likely
to characterize the future of testing.
Origins and Present Scope of Testing
Let me begin with the historical origins of psychological testing. Why
should we consider this historical background? One reason can certainly
be found in the growing interest in all aspects of the history of psychology. As the American Psychological Association (APA) celebrates
the centennial year of its founding, it is especially fitting to take cognizance of the antecedent developments that led up to the current status
of anyfieldof psychology. Apart from this scholarly and—if you will—
sentimental motive, however, there are other, more compelling reasons
lor examining the history of testing. Knowledge about the settings in
which tests were developed, the specific influences that contributed to
their development, the practical problems encountered, and how these
problems were solved should advance our understanding of what’s good
and what’s bad in testing today. We can profit from the false starts as
well as the astute observations of our predecessors.
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Early Examples of Testing
Psychological historians have unearthed some fascinating examples of
early uses of tests (Bowman, 1989; Doyle, 1974; McReynolds, 1975,1986;
see also Anastasi, 1965, pp. 1-11). A frequently cited example concerns
the use of tests in Greece some 2,500 years ago, especially as described
in the works of Plato and Aristotle. Testing served both as an adjunct
to the educational process and in the selection of persons for state
service (Doyle, 1974). Achievement tests were employed to assess mastery of literary and mathematical subjects and of such specialized areas
as music, astronomy, and medical practice. Aptitude tests for personnel
selection also covered general reasoning and learning skills, and appropriate character traits. Tests for military service were designed to
sample physical, mental, and character traits deemed essential for military prowess. In all testing, attention was given to content analysis of
the desired performance, to standardized observational procedures, and
to reliability of ratings. There also seemed to be an awareness of the
essential nature of a test, namely, a short performance sample observed
under carefully controlled conditions that yielded an estimate of performance over longer periods in relatively uncontrolled real-life conditions.
Another favorite example is provided by the system of civil service
examinations prevailing in the Chinese empire as many as 2,000 years
ago (Bowman, 1989; DuBois, 1970). Covering a wide range of factual
knowledge and literary skills, these tests were highly competitive and
followed a long and arduous period of education. An all-to-familiar note
is sounded by the lively controversies reported to have centered on
such questions as the “effects of social class on test performance, the
use of examinations to provide opportunities for social mobility, personal recommendations as an alternative to formal examinations in
personnel selection, social protest against the nature of the examinations, the use of geographical units in allocating quotas of candidates
to be passed, and the need to measure applied problem solving and
reasoning” (Bowman, 1989, p. 578). There is also mention of such practical problems as the prevention of cheating and examiner bias.
The Testing Movement: Multiple Sources
Ebbinghaus has been credited with the remark that psychology has a
long past but a short history (Boring, 1929, p. vii). This is equally true
of psychological testing. It was not until the last decade of the 19th
century that the psychological testing movement as we know it today
took shape. The development of this movement can be traced through
several strands from a variety of sources.
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Measuring Individual Differences
The English biologist Francis Galton1 was largely responsible for launching the testing movement. In the course of his varied approaches to the
study of human heredity, Galton soon realized that he needed to measure
the characteristics of related and unrelated persons. Only in this way
could he discover, for example, the exact degree of resemblance between
parents and offspring, siblings, cousins, or twins. With this end in view,
he gathered extensive data on children in several schools and on adults
who visited his anthropometric laboratory in London. Galton devised
most of his own tests, which included measures of visual, auditory,
tactual, and kinesthetic discrimination, muscular strength and coordination, reaction time, and other simple sensorimotor functions. Reflecting the influence of Locke, Galton believed that sensory discrimination
tests could serve as an index of a person’s intelligence. Thus, he wrote,
“The only information that reaches us concerning outward events appears to pass through the avenue of our senses; and the more perceptive
the senses are of difference, the larger is the field upon which our
judgment and intelligence can act” (Galton, 1883, p. 27). This conviction
was further strengthened by his observation that extremely retarded
persons were often unable to discriminate heat, cold, and pain.
Another major contribution was Galton’s development of statistical
methods. Adapting several techniques from mathematics, he put them
in such a form as to facilitate their use by mathematically untrained
investigators in the quantitative analysis of test results. This phase of
his work was carried forward by several of his students, the best known
of whom was Karl Pearson.
An especially prominent position in the development of testing is
occupied by the American psychologist James McKeen Cattell. In Cattell,
the newly established science of experimental psychology and the still
newer testing movement merged. After obtaining the PhD at Leipzig with
•For references on the history of the testing movement, see Anastasi (1965, pp. 144, 198%, chap. 1). Major excerpts from publications by Galton, Cattell, and Binet are
reproduced in Anastasi (1965, pp. 13-44).
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
Wundt, Cattell went to London, where his extensive contact with Galton
led to a continuing interest in testing. On his return to the United States,
he was active both in the establishment of psychological laboratories
and in the development of a series of tests administered individually to
college students. These tests were modeled partly on Galton’s sensorimotor instruments but were expanded to include tests of memory and
other simple mental processes. Cattell’s test were typical of those independently developed in several countries in the 1890s. Attempts to
evaluate these early tests proved disappointing. Performance showed
little correspondence from one test to another and exhibited little or
no relation to estimates of intelligence from school achievement or other
real-life criteria.
Intelligence Testing
Among the psychologists of this period who were exploring various ways
of measuring intelligence was Alfred Binet. Eventually he became convinced that the most promising approach was through the direct—albeit
crude—measurement of complex intellectual functions. An opportunity
to put this idea into practice arose in 1904, when the French Minister
of Public Instruction appointed Binet to a commission for the study of
educationally retarded schoolchildren. The immediate result was the
development of the first Binet-Simon scale in 1905. This was followed
by two subsequent revisions and by many translations and adaptations
in several countries, including Terman’s Stanford-Binet, first published
in 1916.
At this point, Binet’s work on schoolchildren merged with an earlier
strand that originated in the early 19th century and dealt with the classification and training of severely mentally retarded individuals. Seguin,
who introduced sense-training and muscle-training techniques for the
severely retarded, developed procedures that were subsequently incorporated into performance tests of intelligence (Anastasi, 1988b, p. 6).
Such tests are still in use to supplement the more academic, verbal types
of intelligence tests. They also played an important part in the rise of
so-called culture-free tests, because many could be administered without the use of reading, writing, or even spoken language. Empirical
results, however, showed this application to be another false start. Tests
cannot be culture free, because human behavior is not culture free.
Actually, this type of test proved to be largely measuring spatial aptitudes, and it showed little correlation with the verbal and numerical
skills required for schooling and other significant real-life activities.
Moreover, performance on spatial aptitude tests also varies with cultural
background (Anastasi, 1988b, pp. 359-360).
Another major contributor to the strand of work involving mental
retardation was Goddard (Cravens, 1987; Zenderland, 1987). While at
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the Vineland Training School, Goddard developed his own adaptation
of the Binet-Simon tests. This revision was soon outdistanced by Terman’s more psychometrically extensive and refined version. Nevertheless, Goddard’s work was influential in promoting the acceptance of
intelligence testing by the medical profession. It arrived at a propitious
moment to meet the urgent need for a standardized measure for the
diagnosis and classification of mental retardation. Another interesting
feature of Goddard’s career was the significant change in his theoretical
position from an extreme hereditarian stance to a more moderate view
that incorporated the role of environment. This change paralleled his
move from the mental retardation setting at Vineland to a juvenile delinquent setting at the Ohio Bureau of Juvenile Research.
Group Tests and Special Ability Tests
The next steps in the testing movement are generally familiar. World
War I gave us group testing. Derived from a psychometrically crude
instrument that was developed under urgent time pressure, group intelligence tests spread rapidly after the war, for use with both children
and adults. The popularization of these tests far outran their technical
quality. When they failed to meet unwarranted expectations, skepticism
and hostility toward all testing often resulted. The testing boom of the
1920s probably did more to retard than to advance the progress of
Concurrent with the growth of intelligence tests, the development
of special aptitude tests, chiefly in clerical and mechanical areas, was
stimulated by the demands of vocational counseling and of personnel
selection and classification for industrial occupations. At the theoretical
level, factor analysis further focused attention on multiple aptitudes,
including the verbal and numerical aptitudes covered by most intelligence tests. The period of multiple aptitude batteries was ushered in,
complete with a controversy with the defenders of general intelligence,
the IQ, and the g factor.
In the meantime, traditional school examinations were undergoing
several technical improvements (Caldwell & Courtis, 1923; Ebel & Damrin, 1960). An important step was taken by the Boston public schools
in 1845, when written examinations replaced oral interrogation by visiting examiners. Among the arguments offered in support of this innovation were that written examinations put all students in a uniform
situation, permit a wider coverage of content, reduce the element of
chance in question choice, and eliminate the possibility of favoritism
by the examiner. All these arguments have a familiar ring: They were
used much later to justify the replacement of essay questions by multiple-choice items.
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
Personality Tests
Personality testing, covering chiefly the affective or nonintellectual aspects of behavior, paralleled the development of ability testing but moved
more slowly. In the late 19th century, it emerged primarily in work with
neurotic and psychotic patients. World War I, along with its group intelligence testing, provided the prototype of self-report personality inventories in Woodworth’s Personal Data Sheet. This inventory, too, was
widely adopted for civilian use after the war, in both adult and children’s
forms. It also served as a model for the development of subsequent selfreport inventories by empirical item selection and criterion-keyed scoring. This was the basic method originally followed in such well-known
instruments as the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI)
and the Strong Vocational Interest Blank (SVIB).
Current Applications of Testing Methodology
Where are we today, at the end of all this history? It will come as no
surprise that one of the features we share with earlier periods is the
prevalence of vigorous controversy. The scope of this controversy is
vividly portrayed by Sokal (1987). His procedure is to summarize the
views of extremists on both sides, from claims that tests can do what
they were never meant to do—and never should—to proposals that all
testing be abolished. Much of the rest of this chapter is directed to an
understanding of present controversies and of ways of solving the problems that underlie them.
At this point, however, I want to emphasize that, while the extremists
continue to argue, the use of tests and of test-development methodology
has been steadily rising and is spreading to new areas of application.
There are signs of a growing psychometric orientation in fields that
began with a qualitative approach, uncontrolled assessment procedures,
and subjective interpretations (see Anastasi, 1988b, chaps. 16 & 19).
Notable examples are traditional clinical practice, neuropsychological
assessment, behavior therapy, and behavior modification. To this should
be added the burgeoning field of health psychology, in which two of the
most impressive illustrations inclu …
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