journal 9+10+11

here is 3 weeks ppt and reading, you should to help me write down 3 journals for separate and total for 3 pages. each journal need one or more reference.Week 9 Community, Family, Margin
March 13 Truck Farms, Bing Cherries, and the “Potato King”
March 15 film: Home from the Eastern Sea
Readings: Okihiro, American History Unbound, chap. 7.
Sucheng Chan, This Bitter Sweet Soil (University of California Press, 1986), 106-157.
Donald Hata, Jr. and Nadine Hata, “George Shima: ‘The Potato King of California,’”
Journal of the West, 25:1 (1986), 55-63.Week 10 Impossible Subjects
March 20 Earthquakes, Paper Sons, and Picture Brides
March 22 Asiatic Exclusion
Readings: Okihiro, American History Unbound, chap. 8-9.
Erika Lee, At America’s Gates (University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 23-46.
Mae Ngai, Impossible Subjects (Princeton University Press, 2005), 21-55.
Flash Gordon and Buck Rogers comic strip panels.
Further Reading: Philip Francis Nowlan, “Armageddon–2419 A.D.,” Amazing Stories (August 1928),
Lorrin Thomas, Puerto Rican Citizen (University of Chicago, 2010).Week 11 Citizenship at War
March 27 Racial Citizenship
March 29 film: Rabbit in the Moon
Readings: Okihiro, American History Unbound, chap. 10.
Peter Irons, Justice At War (University of California Press, 1993), 75-103.
Gordon Chang, “‘Superman is about to visit the relocation centers’ and the Limits of
Wartime Liberalism,” Amerasia, 19:1 (1993): 37-60.
Further Reading: Jeanne Watatsuki Houston and James D. Houston, Farewell to Manzanar (Houghton
Mifflin, 1973).
Michi Weglyn, Years of Infamy, updated ed. (University of Washington, 1995).
Personal Justice Denied (The Civil Liberties Public Education Fund, 1997).


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Hata: G~orge Shima: “The Potato King of California’.’
George Shima:
“Thee Potato King”
of California
Don and Nadine Hata
George Shima, circa 1920. (From Toshio and Masao Yoshimura,)
ONE of the most successful entrepreneurs in the
history of California agriculture died of a stroke in
April 1926. Among the pallbearers at his funeral were
David Starr Jord’an, Chancellor Emeritus of Stanford
University, and James Rolph, Jr., Mayor of San Francisco. Numerous other dignitaries attended to honor
the man known as the “Potato King.” He left an estate
estimated at between $15 and $17 million and a record
of public service and leadership which stands as a
classic example of the “Horatio Alger” path to the .
American dream. But the name of George Shima,
whose Empire Delta Farms once spanned 6,000 acres,
is missing from histories of California and the West.
While much has been written about Japanese Americans during and ~fter their World War II incarceration,
Shima and other Issei, first generation immigrants
from Japan, seldom appear as individuals in the cultural mosaic of our pioneer past.’
George Shima was born in 1864, ten years after the
signing of the treaty between the United States and
Japan which ended two centuries of official isolation
(sakokt~). No birth records refer to “George Shima”
because he was born Kinji Ushijima and changed his
name after he immigrated to the United States.~
Shima’s birthplace, the town of Kurume, lies near the
strategic port city of Fukuoka on the southernmost
Japanese home island of Kyushu. Shima’s family was
moderately successful as landowners and farmers, and
his experience with the labor-intensive and ’high-yield
methods which had evolved in land-scarce Japan
would serve him well in America.3 But America was
still far removed from young Shima’s thoughts. The
Japan of his childhood experienced turbulent changes
which saw the restoration of Imperial rule and the
formation of a new government. In 1868 the young
Emperor Meiji issued a terse five-article Charter Oath
which set the nation’s future priorities.
Those who chartered Japan’s entry into the modern
world believed that their country’s survival and the
elimination of extraterritoriality clauses in fore.ign
treaties demanded national unity, a modern industrial
economy, and a positive image as a modern society.’
The Meiji Charter Oath therefore promised “deliberative assemblies,” elimination of social class
distinctions, and the rejection of “evil customs of the
past.” It also included a final expectation that
“knowledge shall be sought throughout the world.”
The latter was intended to create amodernnation state
on the Western model, and it served as an exhortation
Japanese in the United States prior to 1882. The federal
for young Japanese to seek an education applicable to
Chinese Exclusion Law encouraged Japanese laborers
the modern world, and to expect upward social mobilto move to the Pacific slope region as reports reached
ity? In practice, the available opportunities were far
Japan and Hawaii about the vacuum in virtually every
exceeded by those who qualified, and within a year
job category filled by Chinese. Workers were wanted
after the promulgation of the Charter Oath, hundreds of
as stoop farm labor and in fishing, lumbering, mining,
lapanese began to emigrate as contract laborers on
and railroad construction. The growing Japanese popHawaiian sugar plantations,
ulation also required services such as boarding houses,
Young Shima did not follow the HawaiianToute that
dry goods stores, groceries, and restaurants, and most
many Issei took, for reports of their experiences indiimportant, bilingual contacts to link potential employcated that plantation life was harsh and opportunities
ees to prospective employers. Thus the labor conwere limited. The new Meiji government took an in- ~
tractor was an indispensable figure in the immigrant
tense interest in the treatment of its citizens in Hawaii, it community. That role provided opportunities for
in large rheasure due to the concern that failure to do so
’ Shima and other Issei to use their EngLish in jobs with
wouid resu!t~in a lack of proper respect in _the eyes of
better pay and status.
the Western nations.~ Officials in Tokyo and~ consular
The.willingness of Japanese laborers to accept lower
outposts wouldlC0ntinue to carefully mrnitor the
enabled them to secure employment easily, in
. treatment of their:,citizens as they moved beyond
. rural areas. Urban. manufacturing jobs in such areas as
’ shoes, clothing, and cigars were closed to the Issei
Hawaii to the Wes~Crast.
~. ~ ” While nearly ~30~,000 Japanese laborers emigiated as
because of the availability of white laborers who had
dekasegi or “bird.s of passage” .to Hawaii by the eve of
replaced Chinese workers in these industries after the
~ the Sino-Jap’anese War of 1894-1895, Shima had spent
i 1882 law. With urban employment and upward mobil” ity in the cities closed to them, many Japanese turned
his time l~arning Japanese and then studying Chinese
classics as he moved from Fukuoka to Tokyo. The
to rural agriculture where there was agrowing demand
passage of compulsory education legislation in 1872
for farm laborers.’°
had a direct impact on.Shima, who only had learned to
-. Shima left the San Francisco area in 1889 and headed
read and write Japanese a year before. In 1875 he
ieast to the Stockton-Sacramento delta where
attended elementary school for the first time. By the
time he left for Tokyo in 1885, Shima also had learned
i~ the stocky Japanese gained a reputation as a
Chinese, but no English, as it was not taught at either
speedy worker, and on more than one occasion he
the public or private schools he attended. His goal was
was challenged by the Americans to a potatoto become as great a scholar in Chinese classics as his:
picking contest. In this friendly rivalry Shima
invariably came out on top, despite the fact that
Fukuoka mentor, Wataru Esaki. Unfortunately for
his white competitors often surreptitiously re~
Shima, his lack of preparation in English resulted in
moved his sacks from his row to theirs in vain
his failing the entrance examination to Hitotsubashi
attempts to even the score. This early capacity
University. Impulsively, Kinji Ushijima decided to go
for hard work, he himself said, gave him his first
to America to study English.
impetus to further effort. He thought: “If I can
Shima arrived in San Francisco in i889 at the age of
out-pick the Americans, I can also out-grow
26, with less than $1,000, and like others before him,
! them.’”’
found employment as a domestic servant. The 1882
Chinese Exclusion Law had created a scarcity of doHe soon moved from .farm worker to labor conmestic servants and the archetypical “Japanese
But the delta provided other potential for his
schoolboy” who worked for one or two dollars a week
as an entrepreneur. Shima observed that
plus free room and board was in great demand?
delta was already a well-established agShima’s daughter recalled her father describing his
large areas were under-utilized due
to periodic flooding of the low-lying areas by the
Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers. Prime farming
I had been on break from college and was helping
commanded exorbitant prices of $150 or more per
my mother clean the house. My father, observing
acre. Waste lands such as swamps and flooded islands
the way in which I was sweeping, took the broom
were offered for as little as $3 to $5 per acre, or at even
from me, exclaiming, “let me show you the
proper way to sweep. After all, it was my first job
lower pric~s if large properties were involved; leases
in this country.’’9
were available for whatever the lessee was willing to
His stint as a schoolboy taught him other things that
Shima and other former student friends started a
would’ pay dividends ~ fluency in English and a
15-acre farm near Woodbridge. By 1899 they had
knowledge of how to interact with Americans.
moved from moderate success with beans and began to
A few hundred students comprised the majority of
experiment with potatoes. It took nearly ten years of
Hate: George Shima: “The Potato King of California”
Sacks ot potatoes with George Shima’s Obel, circa wW. I. (From Toshio and Masao Yoshimura.)
trial-and-error to learn how to master the potato in the
environment of the delta region. Although the potato
was a staple element in the American diet, few Issei
were willing to risk time and capital in the crop.
Moreover, its marketability and appeal to. Japanese.
was limited, and profit would depend on direct competition with non-Issei farmers. But potatoes could be
grown in the cheap “tule” marshes and swamps of the
delta, and by 1899 Shima and his friends began to
reclaim some 400 acres on Bradford Island,’Z
By 1900 Shima began to pull together sufficient
capital, eventually including .such non-Japanese
sources as the Fleischacker financial interest in San
Francisco, to embark on a massive construction of
dikes around the flooded islands of the lower delta near
Stockton.’3 It was forbidding terrain; “the whole place
was infe’sted with malaria and shunned by American
farnlers.’’t4 But Shima was tenacious in the face of
numerous setbacks. His workers first constructed
dikes around the low-lying islands, dug transverse
ditches and installed pumps to pour the excess water
back into the rivers, and employed dredges and heavy,
machinery to deepen natural channels to lower the
water table. As land was diked and drained, it was then
steam-plowetl and lay fallow while reeds and bush
were allowed to rot and further enrich the soil. The
result was one of the largest land reclamation efforts on
the West Coast. Even today, the farmers of the delta
wage a constant struggle against the high tides and
floodwaters. The aging and decaying system of dikes
and levees has not been replaced due to high costs, and
each year the waters eat away at Shima’s legacy,
Between 1889 and 1913, he reclaimed more than 28,800
acres of mosquito-ridden wastelands made fertile by
centuries of silt deposits that had formed the delta.~5
But land reclamation was only the first step for Shima.
The selection of crops was no less challenging.
His initial efforts at raising rice were only marginally successful.~ Problems with mites, rot, and
mildew, and lack of insecticides, required refining
plant strains appropriate to local conditions. Shima
continued to experiment with potatoes, and he became
convinced that properly reclaimed land could produce
two profitable crops per year. Potatoes were more
resistant to dampness and cold than wheat or barley,
and with reasonable care, 40 to 50 bushels per acre
could be harvested in each crop. He also saw the great
potential for potatoes as a non-perishable vegetable for
shipment to distant markets. By 1900 his leased holdings were estimated at 1,000 acres under his own name
and an additional 2,000 acres in joint tenantship with
the Rindge farm holdings. His .cash crops in that year
included fruits, berries, and vegetables, such as onions
and potatoes, t.~ Potatoes eventually would dominate as
he sought the advice of agricultural experts at Stanford
University and the University of California at Berkeley for seeds as well as planting and harvesting techniques. By 1909 he was knownas the “Potato King” of
By that time, many other Issei had accumulated
sufficient savings to invest in their own farms, and
with this growing transformation from rural proletarians to farm owners, they were perceived as an
unprecedented threat to the Anglo capitalists’ control
C–07581 0
JOURNAL of the
of California agriculture. Moreover, economic conditions were linked to other nativist and xenophobic
to members were established. Group cohesion as w6~}.~
as external hostility were key factors to survivalan~
~.~~-arguments against the Issei, and the convergence of
success outside the mainstream.’~
calls for action created a series of highly publicized
Leadership of the Japanese community orgah~crises which began with the segregation of Issei in the
izations was initially dominated by representatives 6~_~
public schools of San Francisco.
the overseas Japanese business community, such a~~
After the 1906 earthquake, the San Francisco School
American branches of Japan-based banks and cor:~_
porations involved in trans-Pacific commerce. As
Board ruled that Japanese students would be required }
sei immigrants moved from the ranks of laborers to
to attend a segregated facility for Asians. The Japanese i
urban and rural entreprenem’s, however, they began to
government intervened with a strongly worded protest i
demanding equal treatment for its emigrants, and ai
form a new hierarchy of leadership in the Japanese
diplomatic crisis ensued.’~ The policy was rescinded
American population. In 1909 George Shima became”:
through the personal intervention of President Them1
the f’trst president of the Japanese Association
America, a coalition of more than 50 Issei community
dore Roosevelt, whose interest was not rooted in altru- !
ism.’9 Roosevelt perceived the San Francisco schoolt
groups, and kenjinkai which was attacked by nativists
incident as only one dimension of an expanding anti-~ii
as evidence that Issei were agents of Imperial Japan.z~
Japanese movement on the West Coast, and he inThe role of the Japanese Association and its local
volved himself in negotiations which led to the.
in Japanese communities throughout the
Gentlemen’s Agreement in 1908.z° Japan voluntarily
Pacific slope #egion was much less sinister or subversive than nativist “warnings” portrayed them. It is
agreed to restrict emigration of laborers and honored ~
its promise by establishing strict screening procedures …. true that the associations had a semi-official relationfor emigrants,
ship with the Japanese government, based on the fact
The total number of Japanese arriving in the con-°!~
that Issei were “aliens ineligible to citizenship,” a
tinental United States declined by about 30 percent ~ cmegory of permanent non-citizen resulting from t.he
during the period 1908-1913, but the entry of numerous
limitation of naturalization to “white persons and
women led to nativist accusations of Japan’s non- ~!~ persons of African descent.” The Japanese governfeasance, and demands for more stringent immigration
merit used the various Japanese associations to handle
restrictions,z’ The issue ofshashin-kekkon or “picture” the bureaucratic paperwork required by the Gentlebrides” would add more fuel to the anti-Japanese
men’s Agreement and Japanese law for permission to
movement, and propel George Shima into an Issei :):1. leave and return to the United States.z’ The local
leadership role. In 1907 the Native Sons of the Golden
associations also promoted conduct among Issei which
West joined the cause of the Asiatic Exclusion League
would provide a positive image of all Japanese. The
by attacking the practice of “picture brides” which ~ Japanese associations complied with their bureauallegedly subverted Yankee courtship rituals and re~
cratic assignments, but they also evolved as advocates
inf0rced the alleged “unacculturability’” of the lssei,z’’~1 of the skills and rights that the Issei and their
The earlier nativist charges against the Chinese in , American-born children, the Nisei, would need to
America had accused them of being unacculturable , survive in the face of increasing hostility. Thus the
because they were largely male laborers without wives
associations promoted “Americanization” by supor children. Many Issei were determined to plant per-”
~ porting the learning of English and educationa
manent roots in America; thus they circumvented the ~ achievement, and campaigned .for Issei citizenship and
Gentlemen’s Agreement by exchanging photographs
civil rights. While the leaders of the associations were
with women who were willing to emigrate, marrying
linked to the Japanese consulates, and outwardly rethem by correspondence.~ Such methods were not
i sembled “typical ’Estkblishment’ types,’’z8 Issei like
uncommon among other lonely bachelors in pioneer – } George Shima were committed to establishing roots fn
areas, but nativists warned that the Issei intended to
By 1909, as the anti-Japanese movement coalesced
“breed like rabbits” and inundate the West Coast with
children who would be American citizens by
toward a climax in the 1913 Alien Land Law in Calbirthright.24
ifornia, George Shima was sufficiently well-off to purThe Issei were by no means passive or disorganized
chase a home at 2601 College Avenue in one of the best
in the face of mounting discrimination. Issei from the
residential sections of Berkeley. But money could not
same ken or prefecture formed kenjinkai (prefectural
purchase respect, even in a cosmopolitan university
associations) and other organizations similhr to assocommunity, and Shima soon found himself under
clarions among first generation European immigrants,
siege. Reporters from newspapers in Berkeley, neighThus welfare and employment groups, trade guilds,
boring Oakland, and even across the bay in San Franwomen’s auxiliaries, ethnic churches and newspapers,
cisco heard the insinuations and Vici.ous gossip, and
language schools, and voluntary credit systems (tanthey lined up to cut down the Issei who had succeeded
omoshi) which provided loans and investment capital
according to the Horatio Alge.r model. The protest
C–O 75811
ttata: George Sh#na: “The Potato King of California”.
George Shima, circa 1920.(From Toshio and Masao goshimura.)
movement demanded he move to an “Oriental” neighborhood. Fame turned quickly to notoriety as the”
newspapers printed headlines about the “Yellow Peril
in College Town,” “Jap Invades Fashionable Quarters,” and “Jap Puts On Airs.’’z~
Shima had not altered the ambiaiace of his neighborhood. Illustrations of his residence show that the exterior facade and stirrounding grounds were in keeping
with the architecture and landscaping of the cornmunity. The adjoining lot which he .purchased was
planted with rare shrubs and plants imported from
Europe as well as Asia. Shima’s response to the racist
uproar was elegantly effective. In answer to charges
that he and his family wouId ruin the racial homogeneity of the neighborhood, the Potato King erected a
high fence with the explanation that it “would keep the
other children from playing with his.” Then he dohated $500 to the University of California’s Young
Men’s Christian Association. Money made the difference, even if it came from a “Jap,” and Shima was
accepted as a public-spirited member of the community. But as one authority on’the history of the Issei
has noted, ,if even a millionaire has problems finding
a home, what must it have been like for his less prosperous compatriots?’’3°
Indeed, Shima’g experience in Berkeley reflected
the hypocritical thrust of the anti-Japanese movement
which attacked the Issei for marrying and raising families, seeking to learn English, and desiring upward
mobility. Pressure began to increase for legislation to
avoid the Japanese “takeover.”
The gathering momentum of nativists in the ~an~iJapanese coalition in the years 1908-1913 cannot be
explained by the size of the Issei population, for their
total numbers were never large enough to significantly
affect wage rates or dominate land holdings2’ .The
Gentlemen’s Agreement had succeeded in reducing the
numbers of Japanese emigrating as laborers, and the
Issei never exceeded two percent of the total population of California, and less than one-tenth of one percent of the entire United States.
The reasons for the growing outcry which led to ~the
1913 A …
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