Researched Argument Essay

The format of essay is MLA, and the work cited format must be MLA 8th and must in front of each article. There have 4 articles that I research from the internet. For each articles: 1.Summarize each articles in your own words, rewrite in own words, 2.say whether you think source is responsible, say how you will use in paper, like I will use this article to…..I upload my researched 4 articles, two agree articles and two disagree articles. You can find it below.And I post some MLA 8th models:…Purdue Online Writing Lab (Purdue OWL)MLA Works Cited: PeriodicalsArticle in a NewspaperCite a newspaper article as you would a magazine article, but note the different pagination in a newspaper. If there is more than one edition available for that date (as in an early and late edition of a newspaper), identify the edition after the newspaper title.Brubaker, Bill. “New Health Center Targets County’s Uninsured Patients.” Washington Post, 24 May 2007, p. LZ01.Krugman, Andrew. “Fear of Eating.” New York Times, 21 May 2007, late ed., p. A1.If the newspaper is a less well-known or local publication, include the city name in brackets after the title of the newspaper.Behre, Robert. “Presidential Hopefuls Get Final Crack at Core of S.C. Democrats.” Post and Courier [Charleston, SC],29 Apr. 2007, p. A11.Trembacki, Paul. “Brees Hopes to Win Heisman for Team.” Purdue Exponent [West Lafayette, IN], 5 Dec. 2000, p. 20.Below is the format we will use to cite news articles published online:An Article in a Web MagazineProvide the author name, article name in quotation marks, title of the web magazine in italics, publisher name, publication date, URL, and the date of access.Bernstein, Mark. “10 Tips on Writing the Living Web.” A List Apart: For People Who Make Websites, 16 Aug. 2002, Accessed 4 May 2009.Below are two examples similar to the articles we have to cite:If the article has a named author:McCallion, Kenneth. “What Taking a Knee Really Means: A Reflection on the Power of Prayerful Protest.” New York Daily News, 5 Oct. 2017, Accessed 15 Nov. 2017.If the article is written by an editorial board, with no specific author named:”To Kneel or Not to Kneel.” Editorial. The News Guard [Lincoln City Oregon], 27 Sep. 2017, Accessed 15 Nov. 2017.. An Article in a Scholarly JournalA scholarly journal can be thought of as a container, as are collections of short stories or poems, a television series, or even a website. A container can be thought of as anything that is a part of a larger body of works. In this case, cite the author and title of article as you normally would. Then, put the title of the journal in italics. Include the volume number (“vol.”) and issue number (“no.”) when possible, separated by commas. Finally, add the year and page numbers.Author(s). “Title of Article.” Title of Journal, Volume, Issue, Year, pages.Bagchi, Alaknanda. “Conflicting Nationalisms: The Voice of the Subaltern in Mahasweta Devi’s Bashai Tudu.” Tulsa Studies in Women’s Literature, vol. 15, no. 1, 1996, pp. 41-50.Duvall, John N. “The (Super)Marketplace of Images: Television as Unmediated Mediation in DeLillo’s White Noise.” Arizona Quarterly, vol.50, no. 3, 1994, pp. 127-53.

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Gun Control
1. 2 disagree articles
?Forget Gun Control. America Needs Fallacy Control.
Enough is enough. It’s epidemic. It’s dangerous. And the time has come
to demand its end.
In the aftermath of the horrific massacre in Las Vegas, America needs
fallacy control. Yes, we must declare war on fallaciousness. Now more
than ever, the nation is suffering from an outbreak of illogical thinking.
In response to senseless violence, clearheaded citizens deserve a safe
space from the 24/7 barrage of rhetorical nonsense. Let’s break down
the collective cognitive breakdown.
Argumentum Ad Celebritum
Empty talking points don’t become persuasive arguments when uttered
by Hollywood stars. But in the bizarre land of the celebrity cult, latenight comedian Jimmy Kimmel has been suddenly anointed “America’s
conscience” and “voice of reason.”
Kimmel railed “intensely” on TV Monday night against politicians doing
“nothing” to stop mass gun violence. Sobbing and emotional, he
insisted, “there’s a lot of things we can do about it.”
Yet, Kimmel acknowledged that Mandalay Bay gunman Stephen
Paddock had passed multiple, mandated background checks and had
no criminal history.
Moreover, Paddock bought his guns legally from Nevada and Utah gun
shops subject to a thicket of local, state, and federal rules—and
reportedly carried 23 of his weapons into a casino/hotel that already
operates as a gun-free zone.
Federal studies show that a measly 1 to 3 percent of all guns are
purchased at gun shows, but that didn’t stop Kimmel from tossing
around non sequiturs attacking the “gun show loophole.” It’s a mythical
exemption in federal law for private weapons sales at gun shows or
online intended to drum up hysteria about unregulated gun sales.
In reality, firearms purchased through federally licensed firearms
dealers at gun shops, shows, garage sales, or anywhere else are
subject to all the usual checks and restrictions.
Only a narrow category of same-state transactions between private
individuals not engaged in the commercial business of selling firearms
(family members or collectors, for example) are unaffected by those
There is zero empirical evidence that banning these types of
transactions would do anything to prevent gun crimes or mass
But who needs evidence when Jimmy Kimmel is bawling on stage
“intensely”? The tears of a clown outweigh the sobriety of facts.
Argumentum Ad Populum and Argumentum Ad
Actor Billy Baldwin unloaded a fallacy two-fer with his assertion that “the
overwhelming majority of Dems, Reps & NRA members endorse
#GunSafety,” so “how can we let the #NRA hold us hostage like this?
Claiming that an “overwhelming majority” of people agree with you
doesn’t make your argument sound. Nor does citing polls showing
support for “gun show loopholes” that those surveyed don’t fully
Nor does attacking the character of your political opponents and
hashtag-smearing them as “NRATerrorists” for holding political
viewpoints different than your own.
Straw Men and Red Herrings
Grossly oversimplifying support of ineffective or superfluous gun control
measures as “#GunSafety” allows celebrities, politicians, and activists to
prop up their favorite hollow debating tactic: asserting that gun owners,
NRA members, and Republicans don’t care about gun safety and want
more innocent people to die.
Democrat Rep. Ted Lieu of California illustrated a similar diversionary
tactic by waving the red herring of a “gun silencer bill” and demanding
that GOP “COWARDS” vote against deregulating such suppressors.
Hillary Clinton also demagogued the issue, ghoulishly tweeting:
“Imagine the deaths if the shooter had a silencer, which the NRA wants
to make easier to get.”
Her running mate and Virginia Sen. Tim Kaine parroted
the propaganda, claiming that Paddock “was only stopped because he
didn’t have a silencer on his firearm, and the sound drew people to the
place where he was ultimately stopped.”
Police, however, took 72 minutes to locate Paddock; it was the sound of
hotel fire alarms set off by all the gun smoke that led them to the
shooter. But let’s not let pesky facts in the way.
Think of the Children
Invoking kids to support one’s public policy preferences is not an
argument. It’s a timeworn appeal to emotion. Without it, however, gun
control advocates are all out of ammunition.
“We as a society owe it to our children” to pass “common sense” gun
control, New Orleans Saints coach Sean Payton pleaded.
“Thoughts & prayers are NOT enough. Not when more moms & dads
will bury kids this week, & more sons & daughters will grow up without
parents,” Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., fumed on Twitter.
And actor Boris Kodjoe tweeted: “My 10 year old asked me how the
shooter was able to get his machine gun. I told him that pretty much
anyone in the US can. ‘But why daddy’?”
Too bad Kodjoe’s kid will never know that daddy didn’t tell him the truth
about fully automatic firearms (aka “machine guns”), which have been
effectively banned from private civilian ownership in the U.S. as a result
of federal gun legislation dating back to 1934.
Nor will the children of the “Think about the children!” brigade be taught
the truth about defensive gun use or Second Amendment history and
We owe our children critical thinking skills and evidence-based public
policy, not knee-jerk slogans and tear-jerking treacle.
Work cited:
Malkin, M. (2018). Forget Gun Control. America Needs Fallacy Control. In Opposing Viewpoints
Online Collection. Detroit: Gale. (Reprinted from Forget Gun Control. America Needs Fallacy
Control., The Daily Signal, 2017, October 4) Retrieved from
? The N.R.A.’s Lessons for Gun Control
Is helpless outrage the only choice gun-control advocates have after
Las Vegas? As the horrific news unfolded, share prices of major gun
manufacturers rose. Market investors were trading on the ugly reality
we all knew: Gun regulations would not change, but fear of them would
drive sales.
Understanding the choices gun-control advocates have begins with
understanding where the outsize power of the National Rifle Association
Most people assume its power comes from money. The truth is that
gun-control advocates have lots of money, too. Billionaires like Michael
Bloomberg have pledged fortunes to supporting gun control. After mass
shootings, support for sensible gun laws grows.
The N.R.A.’s power is not just about its money or number of supporters
or a favorable political map. It has also built something that gun-control
advocates lack: an organized base of grass-roots power.
I grew up in Texas and now live in California. I study grass-roots
organizations. I am a gun-control advocate with childhood friends who
are ardent gun-rights supporters. I have seen the different ways in
which the gun-rights and gun-control movements have built their bases.
First, gun-control groups summon action among people who agree,
while gun-rights groups engage people who do not necessarily agree in
association with one another. Most people assume that people who join
groups like the N.R.A. are people who support gun rights — but that is
not always the case.
Consider the anti-abortion movement. The sociologist Ziad Munson has
found that almost half of the activists on the front lines of the antiabortion movement — those who protest outside abortion clinics — were
not anti-abortion when they attended their first event. They attended
because a friend asked them, they had just joined a new church, or they
retired and had more free time. They stayed, however, because at
these events, they found things we all want: friends, responsibility, a
sense that what they are doing matters. By finding fellowship and
responsibility, these people changed not only their views on abortion but
also their commitment to act.
Local gun clubs and gun shops provide a similar structure for the gunrights movement. There are more gun clubs and gun shops in the
United States than there are McDonald’s. (The proportion of gun clubs
affiliated with the N.R.A. is notoriously hard to track.) My friends who
support the N.R.A. did not join a club because of politics. They joined
because they wanted somewhere to shoot their guns.
The base of the gun-control movement is defined not by clubs but by
ideology: people who come to the movement and share a view on gun
control and can be sent into action. The organizations then add up
those actions to claim a base. We take it for granted that gun-control
groups have to define their base by moral outrage. The truth is, it’s a
choice that movement leaders make. They can decide to work through
structures or not.
Second, gun-control groups focus on persuasion, while gun-rights
groups focus on identity. In many ways, my friends and I who disagree
on guns are similar. But their views evolved after joining these gun
groups. So did their identities. The gun-rights groups were not just
persuading them to support gun rights; they were also helping my
friends rearticulate their own lives in terms of a broader vision of the
future. They were no longer just hunters. They were protectors of a way
of life. That is why the N.R.A.’s version of gun rights is so intimately tied
to questions of race and identity.
When I joined gun-control groups, I got messages about narrowly
defined issues like background checks and safety locks. These
messages were a pollster’s dream, tested down to the comma to
maximize the likelihood that I would donate or take action. But they
never challenged me to rethink who I was or what my relationship to my
community was.
Third, for gun-rights groups, the work of engaging with identity and
getting people to associate rests on a choice leaders made to invest in
building the capacity of ordinary people to participate — and lead — in
politics. When I studied groups that were most effective at building a
grass-roots base, I found that the key factor to success was the nature
of the relationships they created. The most effective groups used
relationships as a vehicle for bringing people off the sidelines of public
life and teaching them to speak truth to power. You can’t convince
someone to rethink who they are or what responsibility they want to
take for their community through a mailer.
I have two young children. After Sandy Hook, I joined several guncontrol organizations in a desperate effort to do something. These
organizations asked me for money and sent me links for places to send
emails or make phone calls. But none introduced me to anyone else in
the organization or invited me to strategize about what I could do.
Instead, I felt like a prop in a game under their control. I eventually
asked to be taken off their lists.
Many groups, like Everytown for Gun Safety, are doing vital work to
build a movement in the face of the entrenched power of the N.R.A.
Reform will take more than raising money or shifting public opinion. The
currency that matters in grass-roots power is commitment.
Elected officials can recognize the difference between organizations
that can activate only people who are in agreement and those that can
transform people who are not. The N.R.A. got over 80,000 people from
all over the country to attend its annual meeting in 2017. What guncontrol organization can claim the same?
Building a movement will require organizations to invest in the
leadership of ordinary people by equipping them with the motivations,
skills and autonomy they need to act. Most organizations never give
people that opportunity.
Since the 2016 election, we have seen people engaged and hungry for
the opportunity to take meaningful action. The question is, will one of
the deadliest shootings of Americans in United States history prompt
gun-control leaders to give people that chance?
Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook and Twitter
(@NYTopinion), and sign up for the Opinion Today newsletter.
Work cited
Han, H. (2017, October 5). The N.R.A.’s Lessons for Gun Control. New York Times, p. A23(L).
Retrieved from
2. 2 argee article
?Fla. school shooting is not the tipping point
Byline: Jon Cowan and Jim Kessler
In a rational world, Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School, with its 17
dead and its heroic students marching on Tallahassee and calling out
legislators on national television, would be the tipping point for America
to finally pass new gun laws. But we have to jettison the idea that the
next gun horror will tip the scales toward action and instead bridge the
divide at the heart of America’s split on guns — the divide between those
who see guns primarily as a threat to their safety and those who see
guns as a form of self-protection.
There is no official count of gun ownership in the United States, but
experts estimate at least 300 million guns in private hands. Pew
Research found that 42% of Americans had a gun in their home. In rural
areas, gun ownership approaches 60% of households, while in urban
areas it’s half that. The No. 1 reason owners possess firearms is selfprotection.
Then there is gun crime. About 400,000 gun crimes are committed
every year, with 130,000 people being shot and 11,000 becoming
victims of gun homicides. Every 12 hours, roughly the same number of
people die in near anonymity in gun crimes as were killed this week in
Parkland, Fla.
If you push these facts together, there are two ways to interpret them.
The first is, “My God, that’s a lot of gun carnage.” The second is,
“Hmmm, 299,600,000 guns didn’t cause anyone any harm.” Which view
you hold depends upon where you live. Baltimore, encompassing 92
square miles, suffered through 318 homicides in 2016. The
combined murder total of eight rural Western states spread out over
1,302,361 square miles was 320.
This matters because we are a sparse, rural country, so gun safety
advocates are outnumbered in Congress. These Western rural states,
combined with the South (which has the highest gun ownership rate of
any region), have enough Senate votes to scuttle any gun law. That is
why the path to stricter gun laws is to find the balance point between
what rural and suburban gun owners seek from guns for protection and
what mostly urban dwellers fear from guns to protect theirs.
In most of the country, gun laws are already minimally strict, so owners
desire less in the form of looser laws and more in terms of respect for
the individual right to own firearms, for the responsible manner in which
most stores handle them, and for the view held by most of them that
firearms make them feel safe. Urban areas need stiffer laws to interdict
the 400,000 guns that find their way into crime each year, but should be
content to leave alone the bulk of the other 300 million in law-abiding
private hands.
We could start with stricter laws to deal with gun trafficking between
states, improving the criminal background check system to thwart illegal
would-be buyers and the mentally ill from obtaining guns, requiring the
same criminal background checks for all firearms sales from gun shows
and the Internet as already required at gun stores, and reducing the
lethality of certain firearms such as semiautomatic rifles, bump stocks
and the large-capacity magazines they use.
These laws, drafted by weighing the equities held by gun owners and
non-gun owners in rural, urban and suburban areas, could be broadly
popular. If that seems like a pipe dream, that’s how the Brady Law
ultimately passed in 1993 — giving gun control advocates the
background check they needed but making it instant, which is what gun
buyers wanted.
Together, we have spent 50 years fighting for better gun laws working
for politicians such as Sen. Chuck Schumer and New York Gov. Andrew
Cuomo, and starting up our own gun safety organization. What
becomes apparent on guns is that we are a big country with a
constitutional right to own guns, massive gun ownership and a crime
problem unlike any other in the world.
Instead of praying the next massacre will shake America to its senses,
we must engage the millions who believe possession of firearms is not
only their right but also their duty to protect the safety of their families.
Jon Cowan is president and Jim Kessler is senior vice president for
policy at Third Way.
Work cited:
Cowan, J., & Kessler, J. (2018, February 21). Fla. school shooting is not the tipping point. USA
Today, p. 07A. Retrieved from
?School Violence
School violence threatens the safety of students, teachers, and staff
while also disrupting the overall learning environment. Mass shootings
on school campuses have become increasingly prevalent in the United
States since the late 1990s. Though school shootings attract significant
media attention and can result in the loss of many lives, other types
of violence are much more common and can have damaging
consequences in schools and their communities. More recurrent types
of school violence include bullying, cyberbullying, fighting, genderbased violence, and gang violence. According to the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), more than one-fifth of high
school students were involved in a physical fight in 2015.
Research indicates that students perform better academically when
they feel safe in their learning environment. Educators, policy makers,
and other concerned citizens have sought ways to improve school
safety and prevent both incidents of mass violence as well as more
commonplace situations that place students, teachers, and staff at risk.
No single policy or approach can adequately address all of the multiple
factors that contribute to school violence, so communities must choose
where to devote their resources to make the greatest impact. While
overwhelming consensus agrees that students have a right to learn
without fear of violence, public debate has focused on how to achieve
safer schools without creating burdens that would interfere with the
students’ education or infringe too harshly upon personal freedoms.
On April 20, 1999, two students killed twelve of their fellow students and
a teacher and injured twenty-three others at Columbine High School in
Littleton, Colorado, before killing themselves. The two students primarily
used firearms to attack their victims but also brought several knives and
several types of bombs. Had the explosives detonated as the
perpetrators had intended, the loss of life would have been much
greater. Though incidents of mass violence had occurred previously in
the United States, including deadly shootings at a high school in Oregon
and a middle school in Arkansas one year earlier, the Columbine
massacre surprised many Americans, who struggled to understand
what might have caused such devastation. A Pew Research study
determined the Columbine massacre to be the most-followed news
story of 1999. Parents, elected officials, and the media looked for
factors that may have contributed to these students’ actions. Violent
video games, hard rock music, Hollywood films, and the Internet all
received scrutiny for possibly inspiring the attack.
As school shootings have continued with heartbreaking regularity since
the Columbine massacre, the root causes of these mass violence
events still need to be identified and addressed. Since the events at
Columbine, gun violence has struck every level of the American
education experience, including a 2007 attack at Virginia Polytechnic
Institute and State University that resulted in thirty-two deaths, and a
2012 attack at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown,
Connecticut, that resulted in …
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