The city is Los Angeles, California. write full 4 pages please and follow the instructions. see the memo guideline file

I did it and got zero. So see the instructions, see the attachment memo guideline, read the paper that I did and see the feedback, and re do it. Please use 12-point font times new roman font, 1 inch margins, 1.5 spacing (as opposed to single or double spaced), and do not exceed the page limit (3-point Deduction).Please make sure you read the policy memo guidelines (posted to Canvas) for detailed information about formatting, goals, and organization of a policy memo. This prompt provides you with the specific question, but it pairs with the guidelines on Canvas, which must be followed exactly.Should your city implement community policing? What is the current status of police— community relations in your city? If there is already a program in place, how well is it working?Please provide an overview of the current situation that needs to be address and the current policy in place. Then make your recommendation. Please be mindful of: Costs of the program and the current costs without any programs, potential revenue generation, access, social, political, or economic benefits, equity, etc.What is Community Policing (be clear on definition)?Does your city have a review board? What can it do? What can’t it do?The current cost of policing in your community (% of budget)?Has your city experienced protests around this issue? Why? What was the outcome?How might civic organizations help demand reform or demand to maintain the status quo on Police-Community relations?What coalitions exist in your city on this issue?Are there programs in place to train community members and or police officers on implicit bias?I expect you to provide the data you need to support your claim, but these in-class readings (and possibly others) could help you:PetersonBroken Windows Wilson & KellingBunson and Weitzer• Crutchfield et al• Beckett and Herbert. • Coalition Readings
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Broken Windows – The Atlantic
1/8/18, 3’12 PM
Broken Windows
The police and neighborhood safety
GEORGE L. KELLING AND JAMES Q. WILSON
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MARCH 1982 ISSUE
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In the mid-1970s The State of New Jersey announced a “Safe and Clean
Neighborhoods Program,” designed to improve the quality of community life in
twenty-eight cities. As part of that program, the state provided money to help
cities take police o?cers out of their patrol cars and assign them to walking
beats. The governor and other state o?cials were enthusiastic about using foot
patrol as a way of cutting crime, but many police chiefs were skeptical. Foot
patrol, in their eyes, had been pretty much discredited. It reduced the mobility of
the police, who thus had di?culty responding to citizen calls for service, and it
weakened headquarters control over patrol o?cers.
Many police o?cers also disliked foot patrol, but for di?erent reasons: it was
hard work, it kept them outside on cold, rainy nights, and it reduced their
chances for making a “good pinch.” In some departments, assigning o?cers to
foot patrol had been used as a form of punishment. And academic experts on
policing doubted that foot patrol would have any impact on crime rates; it was, in
the opinion of most, little more than a sop to public opinion. But since the state
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was paying for it, the local authorities were willing to go along.
Five years after the program started, the Police Foundation, in Washington,
D.C., published an evaluation of the foot-patrol project. Based on its analysis of a
carefully controlled experiment carried out chie?y in Newark, the foundation
concluded, to the surprise of hardly anyone, that foot patrol had not reduced
crime rates. But residents of the foot patrolled neighborhoods seemed to feel
more secure than persons in other areas, tended to believe that crime had been
reduced, and seemed to take fewer steps to protect themselves from crime
(staying at home with the doors locked, for example). Moreover, citizens in the
foot-patrol areas had a more favorable opinion of the police than did those living
elsewhere. And o?cers walking beats had higher morale, greater job
satisfaction, and a more favorable attitude toward citizens in their
neighborhoods than did o?cers assigned to patrol cars.
These ?ndings may be taken as evidence that the skeptics were right- foot patrol
has no e?ect on crime; it merely fools the citizens into thinking that they are
safer. But in our view, and in the view of the authors of the Police Foundation
study (of whom Kelling was one), the citizens of Newark were not fooled at all.
They knew what the foot-patrol o?cers were doing, they knew it was di?erent
from what motorized o?cers do, and they knew that having o?cers walk beats
did in fact make their neighborhoods safer.
But how can a neighborhood be “safer” when the crime rate has not gone down—
in fact, may have gone up? Finding the answer requires ?rst that we understand
what most often frightens people in public places. Many citizens, of course, are
primarily frightened by crime, especially crime involving a sudden, violent
attack by a stranger. This risk is very real, in Newark as in many large cities. But
we tend to overlook another source of fear—the fear of being bothered by
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disorderly people. Not violent people, nor, necessarily, criminals, but
disreputable or obstreperous or unpredictable people: panhandlers, drunks,
addicts, rowdy teenagers, prostitutes, loiterers, the mentally disturbed.
What foot-patrol o?cers did was to elevate, to the extent they could, the level of
public order in these neighborhoods. Though the neighborhoods were
predominantly black and the foot patrolmen were mostly white, this “ordermaintenance” function of the police was performed to the general satisfaction of
both parties.
One of us (Kelling) spent many hours walking with Newark foot-patrol o?cers to
see how they de?ned “order” and what they did to maintain it. One beat was
typical: a busy but dilapidated area in the heart of Newark, with many
abandoned buildings, marginal shops (several of which prominently displayed
knives and straight-edged razors in their windows), one large department store,
and, most important, a train station and several major bus stops. Though the
area was run-down, its streets were ?lled with people, because it was a major
transportation center. The good order of this area was important not only to
those who lived and worked there but also to many others, who had to move
through it on their way home, to supermarkets, or to factories.
The people on the street were primarily black; the o?cer who walked the street
was white. The people were made up of “regulars” and “strangers.” Regulars
included both “decent folk” and some drunks and derelicts who were always
there but who “knew their place.” Strangers were, well, strangers, and viewed
suspiciously, sometimes apprehensively. The o?cer—call him Kelly—knew who
the regulars were, and they knew him. As he saw his job, he was to keep an eye
on strangers, and make certain that the disreputable regulars observed some
informal but widely understood rules. Drunks and addicts could sit on the
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1/8/18, 3’12 PM
stoops, but could not lie down. People could drink on side streets, but not at the
main intersection. Bottles had to be in paper bags. Talking to, bothering, or
begging from people waiting at the bus stop was strictly forbidden. If a dispute
erupted between a businessman and a customer, the businessman was assumed
to be right, especially if the customer was a stranger. If a stranger loitered, Kelly
would ask him if he had any means of support and what his business was; if he
gave unsatisfactory answers, he was sent on his way. Persons who broke the
informal rules, especially those who bothered people waiting at bus stops, were
arrested for vagrancy. Noisy teenagers were told to keep quiet.
These rules were de?ned and enforced in collaboration with the “regulars” on
the street. Another neighborhood might have di?erent rules, but these,
everybody understood, were the rules for this neighborhood. If someone violated
them, the regulars not only turned to Kelly for help but also ridiculed the
violator. Sometimes what Kelly did could be described as “enforcing the law,”
but just as often it involved taking informal or extralegal steps to help protect
what the neighborhood had decided was the appropriate level of public order.
Some of the things he did probably would not withstand a legal challenge.
A determined skeptic might acknowledge that a skilled foot-patrol o?cer can
maintain order but still insist that this sort of “order” has little to do with the real
sources of community fear—that is, with violent crime. To a degree, that is true.
But two things must be borne in mind. First, outside observers should not
assume that they know how much of the anxiety now endemic in many big-city
neighborhoods stems from a fear of “real” crime and how much from a sense
that the street is disorderly, a source of distasteful, worrisome encounters. The
people of Newark, to judge from their behavior and their remarks to
interviewers, apparently assign a high value to public order, and feel relieved and
reassured when the police help them maintain that order.
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Second, at the community level, disorder and crime are usually inextricably
linked, in a kind of developmental sequence. Social psychologists and police
o?cers tend to agree that if a window in a building is broken and is left
unrepaired, all the rest of the windows will soon be broken. This is as true in nice
neighborhoods as in rundown ones. Window-breaking does not necessarily
occur on a large scale because some areas are inhabited by determined windowbreakers whereas others are populated by window-lovers; rather, one unrepaired
broken window is a signal that no one cares, and so breaking more windows costs
nothing. (It has always been fun.)
Philip Zimbardo, a Stanford psychologist, reported in 1969 on some
experiments testing the broken-window theory. He arranged to have an
automobile without license plates parked with its hood up on a street in the
Bronx and a comparable automobile on a street in Palo Alto, California. The car
in the Bronx was attacked by “vandals” within ten minutes of its
“abandonment.” The ?rst to arrive were a family—father, mother, and young son
—who removed the radiator and battery. Within twenty-four hours, virtually
everything of value had been removed. Then random destruction began—
windows were smashed, parts torn o?, upholstery ripped. Children began to use
the car as a playground. Most of the adult “vandals” were well-dressed,
apparently clean-cut whites. The car in Palo Alto sat untouched for more than a
week. Then Zimbardo smashed part of it with a sledgehammer. Soon, passersby
were joining in. Within a few hours, the car had been turned upside down and
utterly destroyed. Again, the “vandals” appeared to be primarily respectable
whites.
Untended property becomes fair game for people out for fun or plunder and even
for people who ordinarily would not dream of doing such things and who
probably consider themselves law-abiding. Because of the nature of community
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life in the Bronx—its anonymity, the frequency with which cars are abandoned
and things are stolen or broken, the past experience of “no one caring”—
vandalism begins much more quickly than it does in staid Palo Alto, where
people have come to believe that private possessions are cared for, and that
mischievous behavior is costly. But vandalism can occur anywhere once
communal barriers—the sense of mutual regard and the obligations of civility—
are lowered by actions that seem to signal that “no one cares.”
We suggest that “untended” behavior also leads to the breakdown of community
controls. A stable neighborhood of families who care for their homes, mind each
other’s children, and con?dently frown on unwanted intruders can change, in a
few years or even a few months, to an inhospitable and frightening jungle. A
piece of property is abandoned, weeds grow up, a window is smashed. Adults
stop scolding rowdy children; the children, emboldened, become more rowdy.
Families move out, unattached adults move in. Teenagers gather in front of the
corner store. The merchant asks them to move; they refuse. Fights occur. Litter
accumulates. People start drinking in front of the grocery; in time, an inebriate
slumps to the sidewalk and is allowed to sleep it o?. Pedestrians are approached
by panhandlers.
At this point it is not inevitable that serious crime will ?ourish or violent attacks
on strangers will occur. But many residents will think that crime, especially
violent crime, is on the rise, and they will modify their behavior accordingly.
They will use the streets less often, and when on the streets will stay apart from
their fellows, moving with averted eyes, silent lips, and hurried steps. “Don’t get
involved.” For some residents, this growing atomization will matter little,
because the neighborhood is not their “home” but “the place where they live.”
Their interests are elsewhere; they are cosmopolitans. But it will matter greatly
to other people, whose lives derive meaning and satisfaction from local
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1/8/18, 3’12 PM
attachments rather than worldly involvement; for them, the neighborhood will
cease to exist except for a few reliable friends whom they arrange to meet.
Such an area is vulnerable to criminal invasion. Though it is not inevitable, it is
more likely that here, rather than in places where people are con?dent they can
regulate public behavior by informal controls, drugs will change hands,
prostitutes will solicit, and cars will be stripped. That the drunks will be robbed
by boys who do it as a lark, and the prostitutes’ customers will be robbed by men
who do it purposefully and perhaps violently. That muggings will occur.
Among those who often ?nd it di?cult to move away from this are the elderly.
Surveys of citizens suggest that the elderly are much less likely to be the victims
of crime than younger persons, and some have inferred from this that the wellknown fear of crime voiced by the elderly is an exaggeration: perhaps we ought
not to design special programs to protect older persons; perhaps we should even
try to talk them out of their mistaken fears. This argument misses the point. The
prospect of a confrontation with an obstreperous teenager or a drunken
panhandler can be as fear-inducing for defenseless persons as the prospect of
meeting an actual robber; indeed, to a defenseless person, the two kinds of
confrontation are often indistinguishable. Moreover, the lower rate at which the
elderly are victimized is a measure of the steps they have already taken—chie?y,
staying behind locked doors—to minimize the risks they face. Young men are
more frequently attacked than older women, not because they are easier or more
lucrative targets but because they are on the streets more.
Nor is the connection between disorderliness and fear made only by the elderly.
Susan Estrich, of the Harvard Law School, has recently gathered together a
number of surveys on the sources of public fear. One, done in Portland, Oregon,
indicated that three fourths of the adults interviewed cross to the other side of a
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1/8/18, 3’12 PM
street when they see a gang of teenagers; another survey, in Baltimore,
discovered that nearly half would cross the street to avoid even a single strange
youth. When an interviewer asked people in a housing project where the most
dangerous spot was, they mentioned a place where young persons gathered to
drink and play music, despite the fact that not a single crime had occurred there.
In Boston public housing projects, the greatest fear was expressed by persons
living in the buildings where disorderliness and incivility, not crime, were the
greatest. Knowing this helps one understand the signi?cance of such otherwise
harmless displays as subway gra?ti. As Nathan Glazer has written, the
proliferation of gra?ti, even when not obscene, confronts the subway rider with
the inescapable knowledge that the environment he must endure for an hour or
more a day is uncontrolled and uncontrollable, and that anyone can invade it to
do whatever damage and mischief the mind suggests.”
In response to fear people avoid one another, weakening controls. Sometimes
they call the police. Patrol cars arrive, an occasional arrest occurs but crime
continues and disorder is not abated. Citizens complain to the police chief, but
he explains that his department is low on personnel and that the courts do not
punish petty or ?rst-time o?enders. To the residents, the police who arrive in
squad cars are either ine?ective or uncaring: to the police, the residents are
animals who deserve each other. The citizens may soon stop calling the police,
because “they can’t do anything.”
The process we call urban decay has occurred for centuries in every city. But
what is happening today is di?erent in at least two important respects. First, in
the period before, say, World War II, city dwellers- because of money costs,
transportation di?culties, familial and church connections—could rarely move
away from neighborhood problems. When movement did occur, it tended to be
along public-transit routes. Now mobility has become exceptionally easy for all
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1/8/18, 3’12 PM
but the poorest or those who are blocked by racial prejudice. Earlier crime waves
had a kind of built-in self-correcting mechanism: the determination of a
neighborhood or community to reassert control over its turf. Areas in Chicago,
New York, and Boston would experience crime and gang wars, and then
normalcy would return, as the families for whom no alternative residences were
possible reclaimed their authority over the streets.
Second, the police in this earlier period assisted in that reassertion of authority
by acting, sometimes violently, on behalf of the community. Young toughs were
roughed up, people were arrested “on suspicion” or for vagrancy, and prostitutes
and petty thieves were routed. “Rights” were something enjoyed by decent folk,
and perhaps also by the serious professional criminal, who avoided violence and
could a?ord a lawyer.
This pattern of policing was not an aberration or the result of occasional excess.
From the earliest days of the nation, the police function was seen primarily as
that of a night watchman: to maintain order against the chief threats to order—
?re, wild animals, and disreputable behavior. Solving crimes was viewed not as a
police responsibility but as a private one. In the March, 1969, Atlantic, one of us
(Wilson) wrote a brief account of how the police role had slowly changed from
maintaining order to ?ghting crimes. The change began with the creation of
private detectives (often ex-criminals), who worked on a contingency-fee basis
for individuals who had su?ered losses. In time, the detectives were absorbed in
municipal agencies and paid a regular salary simultaneously, the responsibility
for prosecuting thieves was shifted from the aggrieved private citizen to the
professional prosecutor. This process was not complete in most places until the
twentieth century.
In the l960s, when urban riots were a major problem, social scientists began to
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1/8/18, 3’12 PM
explore carefully the order maintenance function of the police, and to suggest
ways of improving it—not to make streets safer (its original function) but to
reduce the incidence of mass violence. Order maintenance became, to a degree,
coterminous with “community relations.” But, as the crime wave that began in
the early l960s continued without abatement throughout the decade and into the
1970s, attention shifted to the role of the police as crime-?ghters. Studies of
police behavior ceased, by and large, to be accounts of the order-maintenance
function and became, instead, e?orts to propose and test ways whereby the
police could solve more crimes, make more arrests, and gather better evidence.
If these things could be done, social scientists assumed, citizens would be less
fearful.
A great deal was accomplished during this transition, as both police chiefs and
outside experts emphasized the crime-?ghting function in their plans, in the
allocation of resources, and in deployment of personnel. The police may well
have become better crime-?ghters as a result. And doubtless they remained
aware of their responsibility for order. But the link between order-maintenance
and crime-prevention, so obvious to earlier generations, was forgotten.
That link is similar to the process whereby one b …
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