10 pages analysis paper

In an essay of 10 pages, answer the question posed below.Your essays should contain properly cited sources (including lectures, films, or video clips) with a â??Referencesâ? page at the end. Ideally, your essays should frame an argument about the question. Please use simple words. In May 2011, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed a joint session of Congress and in his speech (beginning at 23:30) outlined his vision for peace with the Palestinians. https://www.c-span.org/video/?299666-1/israeli-prime-minister-netanyahu-address-joint-meeting-congress In September of that year, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas addressed the United Nations seeking a peaceful settlement of the conflict by requesting the UN to grant statehood for Palestine. http://www.c-spanvideo.org/program/301726-2 Critically analyze these two speeches.How do these two speeches differ in the way they characterize the basic issues of the peace process as they emerged from the Madrid Conference (1991) and the Oslo Accord (1993)?How do the two leaders assign blame and responsibility for the impasse?Why, according to each has the peace process foundered?How do they differ in their attitudes about international institutions such as the UN and UN resolutions?How do the differences in the balance of power between the two affect the negotiating positions of both leaders?How do they differ on notions of â??compromise?â?How do both leaders argue about the fundamental pathways and constraints to peace?
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Speech of Benjamin Netanyahu, 2011
https://www.c-span.org/video/?299666-1/israeli-prime-minister-netanyahu-address-joint-meeting-congress
Key Points
Start Watching at 46:00
46.00
We must find a way to forge a lasting peace with the Palestinians.
46:25
I am committed to 2 states for 2 peoples [How does this conform to the Likud Charter?]
46:35
Iâ??m willing to make painful compromises to achieve peace.
47:05
In a real peace, [Israel] will be forced to give up parts of the ancestral Jewish homeland [What does
Netanyahu mean when he refers to giving up the â??ancestral Jewish homelandâ??]
47:15
In Judea and Samaria[West Bank], the Jewish people are not foreign occupiers. We are not the British in
India or the Belgians in the Congo. This is the land of our forefathers, the land of Israel. [What does he mean
by these areas as â??the land of Israelâ?? What is the case he is making here?]
48:05
No distortion of history can deny the 4000-year old bond between the Jewish people and the Jewish land
[What does he mean here by â??the Jewish landâ?? What is the argument here?]
48:45
Palestinians need to be a free people living in their own state.
49:45
We have helped the Palestinians by removing hundreds of roadblocks and barriers to the free flow of
goods. [What are these â??roadblocksâ?? How did they get there in the first place?]
51:00
Why has peace eluded us? All 6 Israeli Prime Ministers agreed to establish a Palestinian state. Why has peace
not been achieved?
51:30
The reason [that peace has eluded us] is because the Palestinians have been unwilling to accept a Palestinian
state if it meant accepting a Jewish state alongside it.
51:55
Our conflict has never been about a Palestinian state. It has always been about existence of the Jewish state.
This is what the conflict is about.
52:15
In 1947 the UN wanted to partition Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state. The Jews accepted; the
Palestinians said no. [What were the reasons that the Palestinians said no?]
52:45
The Palestinians were simply unwilling to accept a state on almost all of the territories captured by Israel in
1967. They were unwilling to end the conflict.
53:10
They continue to perpetuate the fantasy that Israel will one day be flooded by Palestinian refugees. This
fantasy must end. [What is the â??fantasyâ? here that according to Netanyahu, must end? What is Netanyahu
suggesting here about the resolution of the Palestinian refugee problem?]
53:55
Itâ??s time for President Abbas to say: â??I will accept a Jewish state.â??
54:45
When President Abbas does this, we will have a true partner for peace and the Israeli people will be willing to
make far-reaching compromises [Why is Abbas unlikely to ever recognize Israel as a â??Jewish Stateâ??].
55:20
This compromise we are about to make, however, must reflect the dramatic demographic changes that have
occurred since 1967 [What does Netanyahu mean here by the â??dramatic demographic changesâ?? How does
Netanyahu characterize these demographic changes? What does International Law suggest about these
demographic changes? Why might Palestinians be unlikely to recognize these â??demographic changesâ? as part
of a future peace agreement?]
55:42
Jerusalem: The vast majority of the 650,000 Israelis who live beyond the 1967 borders reside in
neighborhoods of Greater Jerusalem. These areas are densely populated but geographically quite small.
55:45
Settlements: Under a realistic peace agreement, these areas [beyond Israelâ??s borders] as well as other
areas of strategic importance will be incorporated into the final borders of Israel. [What does Netanyahu
mean here by the statement that these areas will be incorporated into a â??realistic peace agreementâ??]
56:15
Borders: The status of the settlements will only be decided by negotiations but we must be honest. There will
be some settlements beyond the borders of Israel. We must negotiate this. We will be generous on the issue
of borders. But the border will be different than what existed prior to the June war of 1967. Israel will not
return to the indefensible border of 1967.
57:35
We will be generous about the size the Palestinian state, but will be firm about where we put the border with it
[What is Netanyahu suggesting about the 1967 border? What does Netanyahu also suggest about the power
relations between the state of Israel and the Palestinians? Who has the power in this â??negotiationâ??].
57:25
Refugees: The Palestinian refugee problem will be solved outside the borders of Israel. [What does this
mean? How does this comport with the spirt and language of UN Resolution 242?]
59:35
Jerusalem: Jerusalem must never again be divided. Jerusalem must remain the united capital of the state of
Israel [Applause]
62:15
De-Militarized State / Jordan River: Israel needs unique security arrangement because of its small sizeâ?¦.It
is vital that a Palestinian state be demilitarized and that Israel maintain a long-term presence along the
Jordan River [Why is it virtually impossible that any Palestinian leader would agree to the proposal of a
long-term military presence of Israel along the Jordan River?]
64:30
Peace can only be achieved around the negotiating table. A settlement imposed by the international
community will not bring peace and should be forcefully opposed. [Why does Netanyahu insist that peace
must be negotiated? What can Palestinians negotiate with Israel with respect to the 4 points of Oslo?]
65:15
Peace can only be negotiated with partners committed to peace. [What is Netanyahu suggesting about the
Palestinians as a partner for peace?]
Speech of Mahmoud Abbas at the UN, 2011
https://video.search.yahoo.com/yhs/search;_ylt=AwrgEZMqPgdbMLcAHCcPxQt.;_ylu=X3oDMTByNWU4cGh
1BGNvbG8DZ3ExBHBvcwMxBHZ0aWQDBHNlYwNzYw–?p=abbas?????&fr=yhs-ptypty_forms&hspart=pty&hsimp=yhspty_forms#action=view&id=11&vid=0048e77ebe5f9d49d4770df5e3897883
Key points
3:35
Question of Palestine Linked to UN / International Institutions: The Question of Palestine is linked to the
UN and its resolutions including the plight of the Palestinian refugees who are victims of al Naqba (the
catastrophe) of 1948. We seek a greater role for the UN in resolving this conflict. [Why for Abbas is the
solution to the conflict linked to the UN? Does Netanyahu mention UN resolution 242? Why does Netanyahu
reject this approach?]
6:50
Core Issue of Conflict: The core issue of the conflict is that the Israeli Government refuses to commit to the
terms of reference embedded in International law and UN resolutions, and it emphatically continues to
build settlements on the territory of the future state of Palestine [How does Abbas conceive of the core issue of
the conflict in contrast to Netanyahu?]
7:15
Settlements embody the core of a policy of colonial military occupation of the land of the Palestinian people
and all of the racial discrimination against our people that this policy entails. This policy which constitutes a
breach of International law and UN resolutions is the primary cause for the failure of the peace process
begun in Madrid and Oslo. [Why does Abbas elevate settlements to a position of centrality in the conflict
between the two sides?]
10:40
Borders: The occupation is racing against time to redraw the borders on our land as a fait accompli that
undermines any chance of creating the state of Palestine. [What, according to Abbas, is the position of Israel
on the issue of borders, and why are the two sides so far apart on this issue?]
10:55
Blockade and War: At the same time, the Israelis have continued their aggression and blockade against Gaza
targeting civilians with air strikes and artillery persisting with its war of aggression resulting in the massive
destruction of schools, hospitals, mosques and thousands of deaths. [Is Israel the aggressor in this conflict?
Who is the aggressor and why?]
11:50
Israeli Criminality: In recent years, the criminal actions of armed settler groups who enjoy the special
protection of the occupying Israel army have intensified with frequent attacks against our people targeting their
homes, schools, universities, and destroying their crops.
12:00
Settlement as Reason for Failure of the Peace Process: This policy of Israel colonial settlement is
responsible for the repeated failure of the peace process. This policy will destroy the foundations of a 2-state
solution on which there international consensus [How would settlements destroy the 2-state solution?]
13:35
New Conditions / Israel as a Jewish State: We now face the imposition of conditions which have not been
previously raised, conditions that will transform the raging conflict in our inflamed region into a religious
conflict â?¦and will threaten the 1.5 million Palestinian citizens of Israel. This is a condition that we cannot
accept. [Abbas is referring here to the Israeli demand for recognition of Israel as a Jewish State. Why is
Abbas â?? or any Palestinian leader — not likely to recognize Israel as a â??Jewish Stateâ?? Is this the central
issue of the conflict as Netanyahu argues?]
14.15
Unilateralism: All of the actions taken by Israel are a series of unilateral actions that aim to entrench the
occupation. Israelâ??s military authorities in the West Bank determine all of the rights of Palestinians. Israel is
the one that decides unilaterally to confiscate our land and water. It restricts the movement of people and
goods unilaterally. And yet, they speak of unilateralism.
18:05
Painful Compromises: When we adopted our program, we were making painful compromises. We agreed to
compromise and establish a state on 22% of historic Palestine. This is a major concession. [In what way does
Abbas frame the issue of â??compromiseâ?? How does it differ from Netanyahuâ??s idea of compromise?]
18:50
Mutual Recognition: In the years that followed the Madrid Conference (1991) and the Oslo Agreement
(1993) signed on the White House lawn, we exchanged letters of mutual recognition â?? MUTUAL
RECOGNITION â?? between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel. [This is Abbasâ?? way of suggesting
that the Palestinian side â??recognizesâ? Israel. Why does Israel suggest that this is insufficient?]
19:35
Settlements as Impediments: Every initiative we have put forward, every effort we have made, has been
shattered by the Israeli settlement expansion project.
19:55
Terms of Peaceful Settlement: I affirm the following 5 principles for peace: 1) establishment of a
Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital on all of the land of the West Bank including East
Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip in conformity with an agreed upon solution to the Palestinian refugee problem in
accordance with UN Resolution 194 and release of all political prisoners; 2) renunciation of all forms of
violence and terrorism including state terrorism and terrorism by settlers; 3) Agreement to return to
negotiations on the basis of the terms of international law specifically the cessation of all settlement activity;
4) Continuation of peaceful resistance to Israeli occupation and its settlement policies until the occupation and
settlement ends; 5) Our cause is not aimed at delegitimizing Israel but is instead aimed at delegitimizing the
occupation and settlement activities of Israel. Our aim is to advance the cause of the people of Palestine for
their rights as any other people. We extend our hand to the Israeli Government and the Israeli people for
peacemaking. [Why are the Palestinian demands for peace not likely to be accepted in terms of Israelâ??s
demands? ]
24:50
Recognition: Let us build cooperative relations based on parity, equity and friendship between two
neighboring states, Palestine and Israel.
31:05
Negotiations Futile Without Clear Parameters: It is futile to go into negotiations without clear parameters.
Negotiations will be meaningless as long as the occupation army on the ground continues to entrench its
occupation instead of rolling it back by continuing to change the demography of our country in order to alter
the borders. This is totally unacceptable. [Why does Abbas claims that negotiations absent clear parameters
are meaningless? Havenâ??t the Israeli spelled out the parameters?]
Sample Arguments
There are many ways to frame an argument about the speeches of Netanyahu and Abbas. Framing an
argument requires you to think about the broader meaning of the analysis in your paper. A good way to
start is to signal at the beginning what you want to argue about the two speeches, and to organize your
paper to support what you have signaled. When you get to the end of your paper and you reflect on what
you have actually written, you might need to reframe what you have signaled in the opening of your paper
as your argument. Itâ??s up to you to choose what you want to argue but remember — you must have a logic
to your argument in terms of reasoning and evidence. As an argument, your paper is basically a claim
about the speeches with reasoning and evidence to support your claim.
Below are some of the ways you might choose to argue about these speeches:
â??The speeches of the two leaders reveal fundamental and irreconcilable differences on the four major points of
contention between the two parties. This paper will show why this is the case.�
â??The speeches of the two leaders reveal fundamental and irreconcilable differences on the four major points of
contention between the two parties thereby rendering an agreement between them unlikely. This paper will
examine the differences in the two speeches on these four major points and will show why an agreement
between the two sides is virtually impossible.�
â??The two speeches, in both language and tone, reflect the asymmetry of power between the two sides. As the
leader of the stronger side, Netanyahu tells his Congressional audience what Israel will demand on each of the
four points but then invites his Palestinian counterpart to negotiate these points. Abbas, as the leader of the
weaker side, has to appeal to the UN to pressure Israel to comply with international law. This paper will focus
on these asymmetries of power in the two speeches and explain why Netanyahu emphasizes negotiations while
Abbas appeals to the UN and international institutions.�
â??The speeches of the two leaders are similar in that they assign blame for the failure to end the conflict on the
other party. Netanyahu claims that the core issue of the conflict is the failure of the Palestinian side to recognize
Israel as a Jewish state. Abbas claims that the core issue is Israelâ??s occupation and violations of international
law through settle-building. This paper will examine how the language and frames of reference used by each
leader shifts blame for the conflict to the other party.�
â??The speeches of the two leaders are similar in that they assign blame for the failure to end the conflict on the
other party, but ultimately the Israeli side is responsible for perpetuating the conflict because they are occupying
Palestinian territory and as the stronger power, refuse to relinquish this role.
â??The speeches of the two leaders are similar in that they assign blame for the failure to end the conflict on the
other party but ultimately the Palestinian side is responsible for perpetuating the conflict because they refuse to
recognize the longstanding claims of the Jewish people to the land of Palestine.�
â??The two speeches reveal both leaders emphasizing how they are making compromises to accommodate the
other side. In reality, only the Palestinians have offered to compromise because on all four major points, Israel
has refused to compromise while the Palestinians have accepted a state on 20% of historic Palestine.�
â??While the speeches of the two leaders reveal sharp differences on the four major points of contention between
the two parties, the most fundamental difference in the two speeches is that each leader assigns a different reason
as the primary cause of the conflict. Netanyahu insists that the reason for the conflict is the failure of the
Palestinian side to recognize Israel as a Jewish state and to negotiate a real peace. Abbas argues that the basic
cause of the conflict is the colonial settler project of Israel and its continued occupation of Palestine. This paper
will examine how each leader frames the root cause of the conflict, and how, on each of the four major points,
the other side is always to blame.�

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